2 (51%) are significantly associated with either of the two word orders at $\alpha = 0.05$. In the analysis where only particle verbs were filtered, the percentage was 59%. There is still a clear tendency for verbs to have significant lexical associations, even within the class of verb clusters with *hebben*. If a Bonferroni correction is applied, the corrected value is $0.05/218 = 0.000229$. Under this condition, 56 verbs (25.69%) have significant associations.

### 5.5. Additional semantic analysis

Even though I have now controlled for various factors in my computation of the association values, there are more general properties of the main verbs that might account for part of the associations, besides lexical preference.

In a collostructional analysis, the top collexemes for each construction are usually analyzed semantically. The verb cluster orders are generally considered to express no semantic difference and, therefore, I have no specific hypothesis on any possible semantic association of each word order to test. The claim of Pardoen (1991), who suggested a *Stative* versus *Dynamic* interpretation distinction, should be tested, however. Because of this, I decided to take an objective approach by using semantic properties of Dutch verb senses from the Cornetto lexical-semantic database (Vossen et al. 2013), which includes *Dynamic* as a feature. Unfortunately, the Lassy Large corpus is not annotated for word senses so I had to take the properties of the most common senses of each verb, as judged by a native speaker. If there were multiple commonly used senses with conflicting properties, the verb was annotated for both properties.

I performed this annotation for the top 20 collexemes of each word order from the analysis in the previous section (shown in Table 3). The results are summarized in Table 4. It lists all of the semantic features from the Cornetto database, as well as the polarity property. I list the description of each feature below, taken from the user documentation (Maks et al. 2013):

- **Valency**: the number of arguments of the verb
- **Transitivity**: whether a verb can take direct objects, and how many
- **Control**: the subject of the verb is capable of acting with volition
• **Dynamic**: the verb expresses a non-static, changing situation

• **Attributive**: the verb expresses a relation of ownership

• **Spatial**: the verb expresses a location or movement of (one of) the participants

• **Cognition**: the verb demands emotional, perceptual or mental activity

• **Polarity**: what kind of attitude the word’s most common senses express

The polarity property was annotated on the basis of an automatic sentiment analysis system, so there may be some errors in the annotation of this property in the database.\(^8\)

Property
Values
1-2 order
2-1 order

Valency
Mono
0
4

Di
10
12

Tri
11
6

Transitivity
Intransitive
5
5

Transitive
16
17

Ditransitive
4
0

Control
+CONTROL
16
15

-CONTROL
6
6

Dynamic
+DYNAMIC
16
17

-DYNAMIC
6
4

Attributive
+ATTRIBUTIVE
1
0

-ATTRIBUTIVE
19
20

Spatial
+SPATIAL
1
0

-SPATIAL
19
20

Cognition
+COGNITION
2
6

-COGNITION
19
14

Polarity
NEGATIVE
3
8

POSITIVE
3
1

*Table 4: Frequency count of semantic properties of the top 20 words in each word order*

For each semantic feature, I counted how many of the top 20 collexemes for each order have this feature. The counts do not always add up to 20 because a verb may have multiple frequent senses with conflicting properties, in which case they were counted as having both features. We can observe that the counts for the 1-2 and 2-1 order are quite similar for most features, which indicates that there are no meaning associations of those features with a particular word order. Based on Pardoen’s (1991) claim that 1-2 orders are assigned a dynamic interpretation while 2-1 orders get a stative interpretation, we might expect to see a difference in the number of verbs

---

\(^8\) I noticed a few possible errors, for example, the first sense of *slapen* ‘to sleep’ is annotated as having negative polarity
with the **Dynamic** feature between the two orders. This is not the case however — there is one more **Dynamic** verb in the 2-1 order, a negligible difference.

One notable difference can be observed for the **Polarity** property. By just looking at the verbs on the right-hand side of Table 3 one may already get the impression that many of the verbs associated with the 2-1 order have a somehow negative sense. The semantic analysis in Table 4 confirms this, listing 8 negative verbs for the top 2-1 order verbs, and just three for the top 1-2 order verbs. There are also slightly more positive 1-2 verbs. Another difference is in the **Cognition** verbs, of which there are more for the 2-1 order. There was only one verb with the **Attributive** feature and one with the **Spatial** feature in either of the top 20 collexeme lists, which were both in the 1-2 order list.

A further difference can be observed in the **Valency** and **Transitivity** counts: among the 2-1 order verbs we find four verbs that take only a subject argument while the 1-2 order list has no such verbs. On the other hand, the 1-2 order list features four ditransitive verbs while the 2-1 order list has none.

In summary, it appears that there are a few semantic features that are more common among verbs that are strongly associated with one order, compared to the other. The negative polarity property is the clearest of these differences, however, even there it is only a tendency — there are also many neutral verbs and even a positive verb among the top 1-2 order collexemes, and there are negative verbs among the top 2-1 collexemes as well.

Lastly, it is interesting that there are some similar verbs in the overall list of collexemes that are positioned adjacent to each other. An example of this can be seen in Table 3, where the bottom two verbs in the 1-2 order list are the verbs for ‘give’ and ‘take’. In the 2-1 order list the bottom verb is ‘eat’ with rank 20, and in the 21st position I found *drinken* ‘to drink’. It appears that at least some semantically similar verbs have very similar cluster order associations.

### 6. Discussion

I have calculated lexical associations between main verbs and their word order in clusters, and found that significant associations are quite common. A majority of the verbs are significantly associated with either the 1-2 or 2-1 word order in the corpus that I used, even after controlling for various confounding factors. I found that the two word orders exhibit some distinct semantic preferences, but not to such an extent that all of the associations can be explained in this way.

This result indicates that verb cluster word order associations are


, though a Trinitarian (i.e. *ad norman Platonis*) in philosophy, yet a zealous Unitarian in Religion.” However, an examination of the notebooks reveals that this three-part thinking is better placed as starting in 1801, after he had returned from Germany and after the focus of his reading had shifted to Idealism, Neoplatonism and mysticism. Coleridge continued to develop it as he worked on his *Logic*, and most fully elaborated it into a philosophical phenomenology in his incomplete *Opus Maximum* manuscripts.

The underlying difference between these two approaches was between reason and the understanding. The empirical dyadic model operated upon the understanding alone. This faculty deals with the individual’s experience of the world, taking that which is furnished by the senses, and classifying and generalizing it into comprehensible impressions. It analyzes and abstracts

---

100 Kant makes this argument for concepts of the understanding at A93/B125 in the first *Kritik*.
102 BL I, 179-80.
what would otherwise be the chaos of experience into cause and effect.\textsuperscript{106} It is, Coleridge explains, “the power of imagining the shortest possible line between two points,” the logic of association or causal connection.\textsuperscript{107} Alternately, reason is a faculty that is associated with this third logical term, “bearing the same relation to spiritual objects, the Universal, the Eternal, and the Necessary, as the eye bears to material and contingent phenomena.”\textsuperscript{108} That is to say, reason is concerned with that which an individual is conscious of in an intuitive, super-sensory manner, most notably moral intuition in contrast to the cause and effect of the understanding.\textsuperscript{109} It is “the power of the universal… the Source and Substance of Truths above Sense.” Furthermore, “it is an organ identical with its appropriate objects. Thus, God, the Soul, eternal Truth, &c. are the objects of reason; but they are themselves reason.”\textsuperscript{110} In the sense Coleridge describes, reason is the “representative of the infinite” invested in the finite nature of the individual.\textsuperscript{111}

Coleridge argues that reason is dependent upon the understanding for its expression. The understanding can exist without reason, yet when it does so, as illustrated by Hume, it has no sense of itself apart from experience. Coleridge explains the relationship as follows:

Understanding and Experience may exist without Reason. But Reason cannot exist without Understanding; nor does it or can it manifest itself but in and through the understanding, which in our elder writers is often called discourse, or the discursive faculty, as by Hooker, Lord Bacon, and Hobbes: and an understanding enlightened by reason Shakespeare gives as the contra-distinguishing character of man, under the name discourse of reason. In short, the human understanding possesses two distinct organs, the outward sense, and “the mind’s eye” which is reason….. In this way we reconcile the promise of Revelation, that the blessed will see God, with the declaration of St. John, God hath no one seen at any time.\textsuperscript{112}

In this passage, Coleridge makes two important claims about his tripartite epistemology. The first refers back to Coleridge’s Hegel-like conception of

\textsuperscript{107} OM, 6.

\textsuperscript{108} F, I, 155-56.

\textsuperscript{110} F, I, 155-56.

\textsuperscript{111} OM, 87.

\textsuperscript{112} F, II, 156–7.
his own system, that is, it “opposes no other system, but shows what is true in each.”\textsuperscript{113} Here the great British Empiricists are not enemies, but allies in the expression of reason. This brings up the second claim of this passage, that it is through the articulation of the understanding that the transcendence of God which no one can see is reconciled with the promise of revelation, and this occurs through the symbol.

Throughout Coleridge’s writings, there is an interest in the question of how an idea becomes something that can be more or less objectively communicated. For Coleridge, an idea is supersensuous in that it arises mentally, not from sensuous experience. As a result “an idea in the highest sense of that word, cannot be conveyed but by a symbol.”\textsuperscript{114} All language engages in moving an idea from internal subjectivity to discursive objectivity: “all language is utterance, i.e. Outer-ance, and with Outness the imagination necessarily associates a sensation of reality [with it].”\textsuperscript{115} The result of this is a symbol which is the combination of both reason and the understanding. The symbol acts, Coleridge explains, as a “reconciling and mediatory power, which incorporating the Reason Images of the Sense, and organizing (as it were) the flux of the Senses by the permanence and self-circling energies of Reason, gives birth to a system of symbols, harmonious in themselves, and consubstantial with the truth, of which they are conductors.”\textsuperscript{116}

That symbols are “consubstantial” brings the model of the Trinity directly into play. The Son is consubstantial with the Father in that they are of one and the same substance. Just as Christ is the incarnation of God, the symbol is the incarnation of the idea. Furthermore, just as Christ as Logos is God’s creative presence in the world, the symbol is the individual’s creative presence in the world for Coleridge. Finally, what makes this possible is the imagination, which Coleridge famously defines as “a repetition in the finite mind of the eternal act of creation in the infinite I AM,” meaning that just as God has the power of self-creation (the “I will be what I will be” of Exodus 3:14) the imagination has the power of self-creation in asserting the ideas of reason which have their source in the activity of the self, not the passivity of experience.\textsuperscript{117} “Symbols,” Coleridge writes, “are the translucence of the Eternal through and in the Temporal. It always partakes of the Reality which it renders intelligible; and while it annunciates the whole, abides itself as a

\textsuperscript{113} TT, II, 147.
\textsuperscript{114} BL, I, 156.
\textsuperscript{115} OM, 312.
\textsuperscript{117} BL, I, 304.
living part in that Unity, of which it is the representative.”\textsuperscript{118} In this manner, the transcendent reality of ideas share in a community of ideas with the temporal world of the understanding, their “outer-ance” allowing them to be the subject of objective discourse.

Yet they are not fixed, though they are always consubstantial with the transcendent ideas of reason, their expression in the understanding is subject to flux: “We can neither rest in an infinite that is not at the same time a whole, nor in a whole that is not infinite. Hence the natural Man is always in a state either of resistance or of captivity to the understanding, which cannot represent totality without limit.”\textsuperscript{119} It is in this way that Coleridge reconciles the promise of revelation and the invisibility of God. Religion is therefore best expressed in a genre that forms a symbolic system that engages in a process of endless striving. “Christianity,” Coleridge writes, “is not a Theory, or a Speculation; but a Life. Not a Philosophy of Life, but a Life and living Process.”\textsuperscript{120}

6. Conclusion

This examination moves from the pre-Romantic lives of Coleridge and Schlegel, only to the development of the early forms of their Romantic thought. It demonstrates the fascinating correspondence between their two parallel lives. These concurrent developments would continue as both thinkers moved into the mature stages of their Romantic thought. For Schlegel, this can be located in many of the lectures he delivered later in his life when resident in Vienna. Particularly in his development of a Lebensphilosophie, which elaborates and distills many of the early elements discussed here into a practical philosophy. This is reinforced in his other later lectures which consider literary genres and the dialogical character of the nature of language.\textsuperscript{121} For Coleridge, this is especially true of the triune logic which he articulates as a systematic framework in his Opus Maximum, particularly in fragment three, which takes up the realist tradition of the divine ideas and their relation to creation, and fragment two, which examines the ethical grounding for personhood in the Absolute.\textsuperscript{122} In the case of both thinkers, these later developments have often been unfairly characterized as a

\textsuperscript{118} LS, 30.
\textsuperscript{119} LS, 60.
\textsuperscript{120} AR, 2.
\


cuts any in-the-presence legal
requirement for Marian witness examinations. If there had
been such a rule, one would expect that Burn would have said
something about the need to retrieve the defendant and bring
him in at the same time as the material witness, but Burn did
not say that. The material witness form still appears at least
as late as the 1797 edition of Burn’s manual.109

Burn’s manual is especially relevant because the justice
of the peace manuals published in America prior to the framing
borrowed heavily from it. The principal manuals reprinted his
passages on Marian procedure as well as the accompanying
forms for witness examinations and material witnesses.110

---

106 1 BURN, supra note 105, at 295-97 (1755 ed.) (discussing Marian
procedure); 1 id. at 536-38 (1785 ed.) (same); 1 id. at 671-73 (1797 ed.) (same).

107 1 BURN, supra note 105, at 297 (1755 ed.) (setting out forms for
examination of prisoner and information of witnesses); 1 id. at 538 (1785 ed.) (same); 1
id. at 673-74 (1797 ed.) (same).

108 1 BURN, supra note 105, at 298-99 (1755 ed.) (setting out form for material
witness warrant); 1 id. at 539-40 (1785 ed.) (same).

109 1 BURN, supra note 105, at 675 (1797 ed.) (setting out same form for
material witness warrant as in previous editions).

110 Several American manuals closely tracked Burn’s manual. See JOSEPH
GREENLEAF, AN ABRIDGMENT OF BURN’S JUSTICE OF THE PEACE AND PARISH OFFICER
118 (Boston 1773) (reprinting Burn’s discussion of Marian procedure and forms); JOHN
FAUCHERAUD GRIMKE, THE SOUTH-CAROLINA JUSTICE OF PEACE 199-202 (Phila. 1788)
The consistent silences in the framing-era authorities are powerful evidence of the “dog-that-did-not-bark-in-the-night" sort that there was no in-the-presence rule for Marian examinations. However, there is more evidence than silence. Several framing-era authorities juxtaposed Marian witness examinations to depositions in civil lawsuits which were subject to a cross-examination rule.

2. Contrasting Treatments of Marian Procedure and Civil Litigation Deposition Procedure

a. Gilbert’s Treatise

Chief Baron Geoffrey Gilbert authored a leading treatise, The Law of Evidence.111 As I pointed out in my prior article, he contrasted Marian examinations to the cross-examination rule that applied in non-Marian depositions in a passage regarding the implications of the 1696 ruling in King v. Paine112 by writing that the judges in that misdemeanor libel trial “would not allow the Examinations . . . to be given in Evidence, because Paine was not present to cross-examine [when the deposition at issue was taken], and tho’ tis Evidence in Indictments for Felony in such Case, by Force of [the Marian statutes], yet ‘tis not so in Informations for Misdemeanors . . . .”113 In other words, a Marian witness examination was admissible as “Evidence” in a felony trial regardless of cross-examination, but a deposition was...
inadmissible in a misdemeanor trial (to which the Marian statutes did not apply) unless the defendant had had an opportunity to cross-examine the deponent. That statement appeared in later editions, including the 1788 American edition of Gilbert’s treatise, and was still unaltered as late as the expanded and updated 1791 London edition.114

Gilbert also implicitly drew a contrast between civil lawsuit depositions and Marian witness examinations when he explicitly noted that an opportunity for cross-examination was required in the former, but made no comparable statement about the latter.115 Gilbert’s contrasting treatment was also echoed in later works.

b. The Theory of Evidence

Another evidence treatise, The Theory of Evidence, was published anonymously in London in 1761.116 This treatise stated that a deposition could be admitted into evidence in a variety of civil proceedings if, but only if, the other party had been given an opportunity to cross-examine when the deposition was taken. However, when this treatise discussed the admissibility in felony trials of Marian witness examinations taken by coroners or justices of the peace, it simply stated that Marian witness examinations could be admitted in evidence if the witness had become unavailable. The contrasting treatment is especially evident because this treatise connected these two subjects with the disjunctive “yet”:

It is a general Rule, that Depositi ons taken in a Court not of Record shall not be allowed in Evidence elsewhere. So it has been holden in Regard to Depositions in the Ecclesiastical Court, though the Witnesses were dead. So where there cannot be a cross Examination, as Depositions taken before Commissioner of Bankrupts, they shall not be read in Evidence, yet if the Witnesses examined on a Coroner’s Inquest are dead, or beyond Sea, their Depositions may be read; for the Coroner is an Officer appointed on behalf of the Public, to make Inquiry about the Matters within his Jurisdiction; and therefore the Law will presume the Depositions

114 Davies, supra note 2, at 145-46.
115 Compare Gilbert, supra note 15, at 46-47, 48 (1754 ed.) (indicating that an opportunity for cross-examination was a requirement for a deposition in civil lawsuits), with id. at 100 (1754 ed.) (not mentioning cross-examination regarding Marian examinations).
116 Henry Bathurst, The Theory of Evidence (Dublin 1761). There was no later edition of this work, which, though originally published anonymously, is now attributed to Henry Bathurst. See 1 Maxwell, supra note 4, at 378.
before him to be fairly and impartially taken.—And by [the Marian statutes] Justices of the Peace shall examine of Persons brought before them for Felony, and of those who brought them, and certify such Examination to the next Gaol-Delivery; but the Examination of the Prisoner shall be without Oath, and the others upon Oath, and these Examinations shall be read against the Offender upon an Indictment, if the Witnesses be dead.117

The contents of The Theory of Evidence, including the above passage, were subsequently restated in a 1767 treatise, An Introduction to the Law Relative to Trials at Nisi Prius,118 which I quoted in my previous article.119 The quoted passage then appeared in later editions of the Nisi Prius treatise that were published as late as 1793, including a New York edition published in 1788.120

c. Burn’s Justice of the Peace Manual

Burn’s leading English justice of the peace manual similarly contrasted Marian examinations in felony prosecutions with depositions in civil lawsuits. In addition to the description of Marian procedure noted above,121 Burn also discussed the admissibility of depositions in civil proceedings and the admissibility of Marian witness examinations of unavailable witnesses in a subpart of his entry for “Evidence” headed “Of written evidence.” In that discussion, Burn also contrasted the rule that an opportunity for cross-examination was a condition for admitting a deposition in a civil lawsuit to the admissibility of Marian witness examinations of unavailable witnesses.

117 BATHURST, supra note 116, at 33-34 (emphasis added). Kry concedes that the “yet” in the quoted passage “arguably” applies to Marian committal examinations as well as to coroners’ examinations, but suggests that it might apply only to coroners’ examinations. See Kry, supra note 3, at 500 n.28.

118 HENRY BATHURST, AN INTRODUCTION TO THE LAW RELATIVE TO TRIALS AT nisi prius (n.p. 1767). The incorporation of the contents of The Theory of Evidence into the Nisi Prius treatise and other later treatises was well known. See BRIDGMAN, supra note 105, at 230-31 (noting that the contents of The Theory of Evidence were “generally understood to have been engrafted on” the Nisi Prius treatise); 1 MAXWELL, supra note 4, at 378 (entry 1) (The Theory of Evidence incorporated into An Introduction to the Law Relative to Trials at Nisi Prius); 1 MAXWELL, supra note 4, at 335 (attributing the 1767 edition of the Nisi Prius treatise—first published anonymously—to Henry Bathurst and the 1772 edition to Francis Buller).

119 Davies, supra note 2, at 151 n.


1 3DG
www.gov.scot<|endoftext|>Terre des Hommes position on child labour

On 25 September 2015, Heads of State from 193 countries launched the Post-2015 Global Development Agenda, adopting 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and 169 specific targets to be implemented worldwide over a decade and a half – 2015 to 2030.

Targets 8.7 and 16.2 direct focus is on eliminating the worst forms of child labour by 2025:

- **Goal 8.7** Take immediate and effective measures to eradicate forced labour, end modern slavery and human trafficking and secure the prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labour, including recruitment and use of child soldiers, and by 2025 end child labour in all its forms;

- **Goal 16.2.** End abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all forms of violence against and torture of children.

Our work to end the worst forms of child labour, contributes directly to the Sustainable Development Goals.

Terre des Hommes believes that all worst forms of child labour should be abolished and that no child (every person below the age of 18, pursuant to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)) should be involved in hazardous and exploitative forms of child labour, as defined in ILO 182. The mission of Terre des Hommes is that the rights of children and their families are respected, so that vulnerable children can develop to their full potential in a safe family environment, in an atmosphere of happiness, love and understanding. Terre des Hommes works to create a world in which all children can have a humane existence and can grow up to be independent adults. Therefore Terre des Hommes is fighting to protect children from exploitation and violence in the framework of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and ILO Conventions 29, 138, 182, 189.

In its fight against child labour, Terre des Hommes makes a distinction between child work and child labour, and gives top priority to eradicating the latter. Child work refers to the participation of children in any paid or unpaid economic activity, or activities to support families and family care givers which is not detrimental to their health and mental and physical development. It is light work for a limited amount of hours, according to their age and abilities, that doesn’t interfere with a child’s education or leisure activities. This work can even be seen as beneficial for the child’s development. For example: Girls and boys support their parents and at home they learn the basic skills of housekeeping; by helping out in their parents’ business they learn different mechanical skills or farming techniques and they impart important social values, e.g. cooperation and community commitment.

On the contrary, child labour refers to all kinds of labour which jeopardize a child’s physical, mental, educational or social development. Hazardous child labour is prohibited for all children, in line with Convention 182 on the worst forms of child labour. Child labour in dangerous jobs, such as with toxics and dangerous substances, in prostitution and bonded labour should be directly eliminated.

Terre des Hommes fights child labour with an integrated approach consisting of policy influencing activities, awareness-raising and prevention - like education, health care and socio economic development - and direct assistance to victims of child labour and exploitation.
If no other alternatives are available, or if children are not willing or able to stop all their working activities immediately, Terre des Hommes ensures working children with a parallel school attendance. We don’t disapprove evening schools, but only insofar as no other alternative can be offered to children and their families.

Terre des Hommes strives to an immediate improvement of labour standards and the regulation of working hours for adolescent children to decrease the direct danger for a child’s health and development. Work in decent conditions (e.g. safe working environment, maximum working time, and fair wages) in combination with education is the first step towards our goal of eliminating child labour.

Terre des Hommes does not believe that a boycott of products made with child labour can be a single solution for abolishing child labour. An overall ban will not change any of the social and economic needs, which compel children to enter into employment. Trade measures should therefore always be combined with poverty reduction strategies, social and economic development aid, alternatives for child labourers and their families and the enforcement of labour laws and decent wages for adult workers.

**Terre des Hommes promotes nine recommendations to eradicate child labour exploitation**¹

1. **Coordinate the work being done**
   Fighting against child labour exploitation is a collective responsibility that rests primarily with the government, but social partners, Trade Unions, corporate sector, civil society, international organisations, families and the communities affected also have a role to play.

2. **Apply international conventions**
   A very large number of the world’s States have ratified ILO Conventions 182 and 138, the key pillars in fighting child labour exploitation. Nevertheless, in many cases, the articles are not implemented nor enforced on a local level. A collective effort of all stakeholders and pragmatic, realistic solutions that correspond to local contexts and the labour market are necessary.

3. **No impunity for child rights violations**
   Those responsible for exploiting children must be prosecuted and convicted of criminal offences.

4. **Implement a holistic approach**
   The fight against child labour exploitation involves the implementation of long-term targeted legislation and public policies. However, it must also be integrated into the framework of a wider strategy and systematic approaches for child protection, because of the strong existing interconnections between the different causes of exploitation. The children’s individual needs and opinions must be taken into account. The proposed solutions must be adapted to the situations and contexts encountered.

¹ Referring to General Comments 14 (best interests of the child) , 15 (right to health) and 16 (impact of business sector on children’s rights) of the Committee on the Rights of the Child
5. **Guarantee access to education**
Guaranteeing access to education for all children is the best way to prevent children from premature work and exploitation and strengthen their capacities to protect themselves against abuse. School is also a fundamental tool for supporting working children, including child domestic workers, provided that the educational system can be adapted if necessary to meet the needs of specific professions and guarantee effective access (modular courses, half-day attendance, etc.).

6. **Implement individualised measures**
Assisting and protecting children identified as exploited requires the implementation of realistic alternatives accompanied by access to basic services, a healthy environment and recreational activities. Children must be able to participate in solving their issues and be supported in exercising their rights.

7. **Define the “best interest” of the child**
The definition of the best interest of the child is very subjective. Within a working environment, determining the best solution for the child must be based on an analysis of the nature of the job, the working conditions and the respect of child rights, as well as the impact of the workload on the child’s education, health, and physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development.

8. **Guarantee fundamental rights**
The State has the responsibility to respect and uphold the fundamental rights of working children, who must be given the means to voice their opinions. Access to healthcare, sanitary accommodation, decent wages and acceptable working conditions must be ensured.

9. **Promote a responsible economy**
A dialogue between the private and public sectors should enable the implementation of child protection measures – an integral part of a genuine policy of social responsibility – in formal and informal businesses.<|endoftext|>Republic of the Philippines
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Quezon City
EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
First Regular Session

COMMITTEE REPORT NO. 161

Submitted by the Committee on Basic Education and Culture and the Committee on Appropriations on DEC 18 2019.
Re: House Bill No. 5872

Recommend its approval in substitution of House Bill No. 735.
Sponsors: Representatives Romulo, Ungab and Dalog

Mr. Speaker:

The Committee on Basic Education and Culture and the Committee on Appropriations to which was referred House Bill No. 735, introduced by Rep. Maximo Y. Dalog Jr., entitled:

AN ACT
SEPARATING THE GUINA-ANG NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL - MAINIT EXTENSION IN BARANGAY MAINIT, MUNICIPALITY OF BONTOC, PROVINCE OF MOUNTAIN PROVINCE FROM THE GUINA-ANG NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL CONVERTING IT INTO AN INDEPENDENT NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL TO BE KNOWN AS MAINIT NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL AND APPROPRIATING FUNDS THEREFOR.

have considered the same and recommend that the attached House Bill No. 5872 entitled:

AN ACT
SEPARATING THE GUINA-ANG NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL - MAINIT EXTENSION IN BARANGAY MAINIT, MUNICIPALITY OF BONTOC, MOUNTAIN PROVINCE FROM THE GUINA-ANG NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL, CONVERTING IT INTO AN INDEPENDENT NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL TO BE KNOWN AS MAINIT NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL, AND APPROPRIATING FUNDS THEREFOR

be approved in substitution of House Bill No. 735, with Representatives Dalog, Romulo, Ungab, Cueva, Vergara, Fortuno, Acop, Abueg-Zaldivar, Robes, Abunda, Guico, Mangaon, Barba, Dy (F.M.C.), Umali, Castro (F.L.), Romualdez (Y.M.), Amatong, Zarate, Fernando and Elago as authors thereof.

Respectfully submitted,

ISIDRO T. UNGAB
Chairperson
Committee on Appropriations

ROMAN T.


STITUTIONAL LINKAGES SERVICE (ILS)

Julieta J. Cervo, CPA, DPA, CESO
Director III/Service Chief

Staff
Rhona Beatriz D. Altomia
Bernardita R. Ampa
Ma. Teresa A. Castillo
Nelson C. Macatangay
Gerardo R. Serrano
Paulita D. Sulit

The Institutional Linkages Service is under the External Affairs and Relations headed by Deputy Secretary Peter Paul L. Pineda and Executive Director Diana Lynn Le-Cruz.
The Senate Of The Philippines
As an Institution

The Senate of the Philippines is one of the pillars of the country’s lawmaking body, the other one is the House of Representatives. It is composed of 24 elected Senators whose terms of office shall be six (6) years. This dynamic institution is established to balance our economic, social and political environment and whose concerns are national in scope.

As the bastion of democracy, its action is centered on consensus and consultation with the end purpose of serving the best interest of the Filipino people.

The SENATE also values the importance of having productive and harmonious relationship with other institutions, from the government and the private sector, to create an environment where rapport and goodwill among institutions prevail. Its main objective is the passage of good, implementable and doable laws in pursuit of democratic ideals that would truly serve the national interest and the welfare of the people.

-Juliet Cervo-
"The SENATE LINKAGES CIRCULAR
Vol. 8 no. 3.7, Series of 2010"

SENATE OF THE PHILIPPINES
OFFICE OF THE SENATE PRESIDENT
Institutional Linkages Service
Rm. 411, 4th Floor, GSIS Building
Financial Center, Pasay City

OFFICIAL MAIL
Penalty for private or Unauthorized Use to Avoid Payment of Postage P500.00 or Imprisonment<|endoftext|>Sponsored by:
Assemblyman CHRISTOPHER "KIP" BATEMAN
District 16 (Morris and Somerset)
Assemblyman WILFREDO CARABALLO
District 28 (Essex)

Co-Sponsored by:
Assemblymen Asselta, Augustine, Assemblywoman Farragher,
Assemblymen Merkt, Arnone, Assemblywoman Crecco, Assemblymen
Felice, LeFevre, B.Smith, Assemblywoman Weinberg, Assemblyman
Wisniewski, Assemblywoman Pou, Assemblymen Zisa, T.Smith,
Assemblywomen Watson Coleman, Cruz-Perez, Quigley, Assemblyman
Connors and Assemblywoman Greenstein

SYNOPSIS
Establishes the "New Jersey Individual Development Account Program;"
appropriates $5 million.

CURRENT VERSION OF TEXT
As introduced.

(Sponsorship Updated As Of: 6/30/2000)
AN ACT concerning individual development accounts, supplementing parts of the statutory law and making an appropriation.

BE IT ENACTED by the Senate and General Assembly of the State of New Jersey:

1. This act shall be known and may be cited as the "New Jersey Individual Development Account Act."

2. a. The Legislature finds and declares that:

(1) Economic well-being does not come solely from income, spending, and consumption, but also requires savings, investment, and accumulation of assets, since assets can improve economic stability, connect people with a viable and hopeful future, stimulate development of human and other capital, yield personal and social dividends, and enhance the welfare of offspring.

(2) With the enactment of the "Work First New Jersey Act," P.L. 1997, c.38 (C.44:10-55 et seq.) and companion legislation, emphasizing moving people off of public assistance and into employment, there is an urgent need to provide incentives for savings accounts that will compliment and stabilize the movement of people from public assistance and into employment.

(3) Income-based social policy should be complemented with asset-based social policy, because while income-based policies ensure that consumption needs (including food, child care, rent, clothing and health care) are met, asset-based policies provide the means to achieve some degree of economic self-sufficiency.

(4) The State of New Jersey should develop policies, such as individual development accounts, that promote higher rates of personal savings and net private domestic investment.

b. It is the intent of the Legislature, therefore, to provide for the establishment of Individual Development Accounts (IDA's) which accounts are designed to:

(1) provide individuals and families, especially those with limited means, an opportunity to accumulate assets;

(2) facilitate and mobilize savings;

(3) promote education, home ownership and micro enterprise development; and

(4) stabilize families and build communities.

3. As used in this act:

"Account holder" means a person who is the owner of an individual development account.

"Commissioner" means the Commissioner of Community Affairs.

"Community development organization" means any religious or charitable organization, which is a nonprofit corporation incorporated
pursuant to the "New Jersey Nonprofit Corporation Act," N.J.S.15A:1-1 et seq., that is approved by the commissioner to implement the individual development account program, or any community action agency as that term is defined pursuant to subsection c. of section 3 of P.L.1991, c.51(C.52:27D-397).

"Department" means the Department of Community Affairs.

"Economic literacy" means: a basic understanding of budgets and savings accounts, credit and interest and how to use financial services; and having a savings plan and using it to reach the account holder's savings goal for an individual development account.

"Eligible individual" means an individual or a family who earns less than 80 percent of the median income of the county in which the individual or family resides or an individual or family whose net worth does not exceed $10,000 excluding the individual's or family's primary dwelling unit and one motor vehicle.

"Financial institution" means a state or federally chartered bank, savings bank, savings and loan association or credit union with an office in this State or an entity which is a member of the Securities Investor Protection Corporation established pursuant to the "Securities Investor Protection Act of 1970," 15 U.S.C. s.78aaa et seq.

"Fund" means the Individual Development Account Fund established pursuant to section 4 of this act.

"Individual development account" means a financial instrument established pursuant to section 5 of this act.

"Program" means the Individual Development Account Program established in this act.

"Program contributor" means a person or entity who makes a contribution to an individual development account reserve fund, except that "program contributor" does not mean the State or the account holder.

"Reserve fund" means the individual development account reserve fund created by a community development organization for the purposes of: funding the costs incurred in the administration of the program; receiving matching funds from the State and other program contributors; and providing matching funds for individual development accounts pursuant to paragraph (6) of subsection b. of section 5 of this act.

4. a. The Individual Development Account Program is hereby established within the Department of Community Affairs. The purpose of this program shall be to provide each eligible individual in this State with an opportunity to establish an individual development account, which may be used by that individual for the any of the purposes specified under subsection a. of section 5 of this act.

b. There is established in the department, the Individual Development Account Fund. This fund shall be used by the
commissioner to provide:
(1) grants to community development organizations selected by the commissioner to participate in the Individual Development Account Program; and
(2) a State match of two dollars for every one dollar deposited into an individual deposit account, except that the maximum amount provided as a match per individual development account per calendar year shall be $5,000.

c. The commissioner shall implement this program throughout the State by entering into agreements with community development organizations which the commissioner selects pursuant to the provisions of this section. In order to ensure the targeting of areas of high poverty in the State, the commissioner shall use the Community Service Block Grant allocation formula as a guide for distribution of moneys in the Individual Development Account Fund established pursuant to subsection b. of this section.

d. The commissioner shall solicit proposals from community development organizations for the purpose of implementing the Individual Development Account Program. Proposals from community development organizations shall include:
(1) a plan for the establishment and management of the community development organization’s individual development account reserve fund;
(2) a plan for the establishment and oversight of individual development accounts;
(3) specification of the persons targeted for priority participation;
(4) a detailed description of the economic literacy training that will be required of every account holder;
(5) a request for funds to be used:
(a) in establishing and administering the individual development account program for the duration of the program;
(b) to provide economic literacy training and one-on-one financial counseling for eligible individuals; and
(c) for the State’s match pursuant to paragraph (2) of subsection b. of this section, the amount of which request shall be reasonably based on the number of persons targeted for individual development accounts and the total amount of savings per year expected of those persons; and
(6) any other information the commissioner deems important for selecting community development organizations to participate in the Individual Development Account Program.

e. In reviewing the proposals of community development organizations, the commissioner shall consider the following factors:
(1) the not-for-profit status of the community development organization;
(2) the fiscal accountability of the community development
organization;

(3) the ability of the community development organization to
provide its moneys or raise moneys from program contributors for
matching contributions which are in addition to State


. Vincent Pepito F. Yambao, Jr. (Director, Civil Liberties and Human Rights Desk).
² On 23 November 2009, while on their way to file the certificate of candidacy for Esmael Mangudadatu, vice mayor of Buluan town, the 57 victims were kidnapped and brutally killed. Mangudadatu was challenging Datu Unsay mayor Andal Ampatuan, Jr., son of the incumbent Maguindanao governor Andal Ampatuan, Sr., in the gubernatorial election on 10 May 2010 elections. The 57 people killed included Mangudadatu’s wife, his two sisters, journalists, lawyers, aides, and motorists who were witnesses or were mistakenly identified as part of the convoy.
the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, the Commission transformed itself into a “high profile watchdog.” While many had questioned the process by which she was appointed, the outspoken Chairperson Leila M. de Lima eventually gained the confidence of her critics. Yet while she reaps accolades for her achievements, some of her colleagues in the Commission are facing accusations of incompetence and absenteeism. What remains to be seen is whether a collegial body like the CHRP, with a bureaucracy of more than 680 personnel, can sustain its momentum and become effective in the long-term if its success is dependent on the popularity and initiative of its Chairperson.

A. Significant/Key Issues in 2009

Major disasters, both man-made and natural, rocked the Philippine archipelago in 2009. The year opened with an eruption of violence in the Southern Philippines following the collapse of peace talks between Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the latter part of 2008. The hostilities, which had continued throughout the year except during a brief declaration of ceasefire, caused the displacement of up to a million people. But violence in Southern Philippines was

5 Supra note 4. In 2009, a television station bestowed its first ever “Public Servant of the Year” on Chairperson de Lima “[f]or her courage and independent-mindedness in speaking out even against colleagues in government and for helping keep human rights on the public agenda with timely and forceful words.”

6 The peace talks between the GRP and MILF collapsed after the Supreme Court declared as unconstitutional the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) which the parties were due to sign on 5 August 2008. As the culmination of negotiations between the GRP and the MILF, the MOA-AD proposed the creation of the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE), with defined territories. For more details on Supreme Court ruling, see In the Province of North Cotabato v. Government of the Republic of the Philippines Peace Panel on Ancestral Domain, G.R. Nos. 183591, 183752, 183893 & 183951, 14 October 2008.

7 In July, when the GRP declared the Suspension of the Military Operations (SOMO) and the Suspension of Military Action (SOMA).
not only confined to areas affected by the secessionist movement. The simmering rivalries between warring local clans resulted in a string of extrajudicial killings and abductions in Agusan del Sur.9 In Davao City, members of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS) were believed to have murdered 89 individuals from January to early December 2009.10

Meanwhile, operations against suspected communists also intensified as the military launched the last phase of its counter-insurgency program dubbed Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL).11 The Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights (KARAPATAN) claimed that OBL was responsible for at least 1,188 extrajudicial killings and 205 enforced disappearances of suspected communists from 2001 to 2009.12 On 6 February 2010, the military arrested 43 health workers (collectively known as the “Morong 43”) suspected of being communist sympathizers, in the Rizal province. The military allegedly arrested the health workers using defective warrants,13 and subjected them to physical and mental torture.14

A series of natural calamities hit the country in September and October causing the death of at least 858 individuals.15 Around

---

12 Ibid.
15 On 26 September 2009, tropical storm “Ondoy” [international name: Ketsana] inundated 80% of Metro Manila and killed around 420 individuals. The following week, 2 October 2009, typhoon “Pepeng” [international name: Parma] ravaged Northern
230,000 homes were either partially or totally destroyed, affecting more than 400,000 families. The World Bank and other agencies, estimated that $942.9 million was required to meet recovery needs, while $3.48 billion was needed for reconstruction.16

As the election season began toward the end of the year, many sectors criticised the Commission on Elections (COMELEC)17 for denying accreditation to “Ang Ladlad” a group representing the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community;18 the Disabled Pinoy Party (DPP);19 MIGRANTE, a group representing overseas Filipino workers; Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT); and Courage, a union of government employees.20 However, COMELEC readily accredited groups closely associated with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her relatives.21 Then, in a series of controversial rulings just a few months before the elections, COMELEC ordered the removal of three provincial governors closely associated with opposition presidential candidate Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III.22

18 On 11 November 2009, the COMELEC Second Division denied the accreditation to Ang Ladlad LGBT Party-List (Ang Ladlad) on the ground that it is “advocating immoral doctrines.” On 17 December 2009, the COMELEC En Banc dismissed Ang Ladlad’s Motion for Reconsideration.

21 Ibid. Some of the questioned partylist groups include: Ang Galing Pinoy (nominees include presidential son and incumbent district representative Mikey Arroyo); Kasangga (nominees include the president’s sister-in-law, Maria Lourdes Arroyo);
While the election period officially started on 10 January 2010, around 90 incidents of election-related violence had already been reported by the end of 2009. Political analysts suggested this was due to the introduction of automated voting systems, given that politicians who feared they “could no longer manipulate poll results are more tempted to eliminate each other.”24

The ‘Maguindanao Massacre’ was undoubtedly the most serious among the election-related violence reported so far. Considered the “single deadliest single attack on the press,”25 the killing appeared to have been thoroughly planned.26 More troubling however is the apparent complicity of state security forces in the attack.27 Almost a thousand firearms and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition were seized from the custody of the Ampatuan clan, the primary suspects to the mass murder. Many of the seized firearms and ammunitions turned out to be the property of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP).28

Buhay (nominees include evangelist Mike Velarde, a known Arroyo supporter); Bagong Henerasyon (nominees include Quezon City Councilor Bernadette Herrera- Dy); Batang Iwas Droga (nominees include Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation Chairman Efraim Genuino); and 1-Utak (nominees include Department of Energy Secretary Angelo Reyes. Meanwhile, militant Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) Secretary-General Renato Reyes Jr., questioned the following party list groups which he claimed to have government ties: Agbiag Timpuyo Ilocano (AGBIAG); Ahon Pinoy (AHON); Akbayan OFW-National (APOI); Aangat Ating Kabuhayan Filipinas (ANAK); Babae para sa Kaunlaran (Babae Ka); Bigkis Pinoy Movement (BIGKIS); Byaheng Pinoy Movement (Byaheng Pinoy); Kalahi Sectoral Party (KALAHI); and League of Youth for Peace Advancement (LYPAD). See DateLine Philippines, 9 accredited party-list groups tied with Arroyo-Bayan, 21 January 2010.

22 Pampanga Governor Among Ed Panlilio, Isabela Governor Grace Padaca and Bulacan Governor Jonjon Mendoza.

24 Ibid.

26 Asian Human Rights Commission, Philippines: How could the ‘Maguindanao massacre’ have been allowed to happen, 27 November 2009, available at <http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2009statements/2318/> [accessed on 10 June 2010]. It has been noted among others, that the graves where the 57 dead bodies had been buried had already been excavated using a government-owned backhoe and that some reporters have already received information that


7) suggest that, “A political economy of transit emerges in the migration corridors, as shopkeepers and food vendors tailor their services and ware to the needs of a transient population. Archipelagos of motels, smugglers’ drop houses and humanitarian shelters link migration corridors, providing respite for weary travellers.” As Andersson (2016b, 1061) notes, “given that smuggling is a market driven by rampant demand, punitive measures only tend to drive business further underground while new risks are transferred downwards from provider to client.” State-led efforts to control the border have played a key role in the development of new migrant-led industries as individuals seek to circumvent the barriers and control mechanisms that operate to limit the mobility of “subaltern” populations.

Border industries from both the state and migrant perspectives do not operate in isolation from one another, but rather are inextricably linked in the process and production of these industries; the existence of one, feeds the reciprocal growth of the other. The reactive response by states signals an effort to preserve the structures of exclusion and inequality as typified by the strict enforcement of the border. The continuation of physically and structurally violent state-led industries is implicated in the increasing death and precarity associated with the borders of the global North. There is a certain adaptability of migrant-led border industries to the increasing pressures of state-led industries as the discursive production of “crisis” has fostered the expansion and materiality of border industries. The performance of sovereignty and subsequent migrant response has ensured a circular relationship persists in the violent enactment of the border, embedding both structural and physical barriers for irregular migrant communities.

Border Industries, Death and the Migrant Journey – The Persistence of Violence in a Globalized System

Understanding the negative impact and violent implications of the state-led border industry is integral to challenging the ontologized nature, practice and policy of borders. Despite rising death tolls, attacks against migrants and anti-immigrant sentiment,
negative migrant experiences have done little to deter migrants crossing (Slack and Whiteford 2011). The transformation of borderlands into militarized zones of exclusion through greater investment and expenditure in securing the border has resulted in deadly consequences for irregular migrants. Deaths associated with the US border from 1994 to 2009, have been estimated at approximately 5,600 as migrants die from drowning, hypothermia, dehydration, or heat stroke. Despite the deterrence efforts, there is little to suggest that there has been any substantial reduction in migration (Castles et al. 2012). Particularly during the summer months, the death toll rises as physical barriers, primarily located along urban areas of the border forces migrants into more remote and rural areas where they contest the rugged terrain in an effort to evade detection as outlined with the perverse logic of ‘Prevention Through Deterrence’ (Spener 2004; De León 2015).

In the EU, an unintended consequence to the development of the illegality industry, has created further demand on both sides of the migration control equation (Andersson 2016b, 2014). As state-led efforts demonstrate, policies of exclusion promote precarity in the journey and create an increasingly fragmented, non-linear, social process of negotiation and renegotiation for irregular migrants (Collyer 2010; Koser 2010; Mainwaring and Brigden 2016). The consequences of these maneuvers have been similarly dire. Over 20,000 people have died in the Mediterranean in the past two decades, as the EU now has the dubious distinction of representing the deadliest migrant destination in the world (Musarò 2016). As border controls continue to increase and journeys become more precarious, the death toll in the Mediterranean continues to rise with nearly 3,800 dead in 2015, rising from approximately 3,300 in the previous year (IOM 2016). Current estimates in the Mediterranean are on pace to at least match last year’s totals, with the recorded number of deaths surpassing 2,000 on June 20, 2017, World Refugee Day (UNHCR 2017; Dearden 2017). Efforts to secure the border have not been able to address the structural aspects of the migration industry that are spurred by growing inequality and exclusion as the global North only responds with short term solutions to these issues (Andersson 2016b). The temporary, hot spot approach, only serves to put out small fires without addressing structural inequality between states. While EU officials managed to “close off” the viability of migration routes from North Africa to the Canary Island and into much of Spain, it only shifted the routes into the Central Mediterranean (Lutterbeck 2009). At present, there are similar experiences in Greece, as the closing of borders forces more people into the sea. It is the misdirected focus of counter migration efforts that embolden smuggling, force more dangerous clandestine routes, and amount to an unwinnable battle against irregular migration (Andersson 2016b).

In both the US and EU, the prevailing mentality of ensuring precarious border crossing is a direct effort to shirk the responsibility surrounding the deaths of irregular migrant populations. Through presenting the deaths associated with irregular crossings as an unfortunate reality of “illegal” and dangerous crossings, it distances the responsibility of the state and its implication in the systemic deaths of irregular border crossers. The nefarious effect of this mentality positions the state in such a way where government
officials are able to argue the harsh and dangerous environmental conditions were responsible for the deaths of irregular border crossers, not the violent bordering practices that deliberately produced increasingly precarious journeys. Indeed, it provides the “moral alibi” that state sanctioned policy did not kill vulnerable migrants, harsh environmental conditions did (Doty 2011). The environment and physical characteristics of the borderlands become employed as an active participant in the defence and security of the border despite the seemingly apolitical characterization by the state (Nyers 2012). However, migrant deaths are not an unfortunate reality of irregular migration, but rather the direct and intended consequence of state efforts to control the border. Instead of addressing the failings of current border policy efforts and the violent practice of securing the border, state officials are willing to continue to express disbelief at the number of individuals who die, without acknowledging the role of the state and the implication in the deaths of migrant populations.

The violence associated with the border and enabled through the production of “crisis” reinforces a hegemonic global apartheid regime predicated on the exclusion of the global South. Achieved through, “maintaining global inequalities insofar as it maintains separate social, political, and economic spaces in the world-system” (Spener 2011, 117), “crisis” becomes the vehicle through which exclusion is justified. The current approach to borders as a militarized means of exclusion contributes to the creation of a new post-colonial apartheid regime both materially and economically (De Genova 2013). Immigration control has become a means of ensuring hegemonic, planetary order through controlling the mobility of “subaltern” populations as states of the global North have established and maintain the separation from the South through control over migration and security (Duffield 2006; Hyndman 2009). This contradiction underscores the logic through which states of the global North have approached globalization. Marked with different rules for different actors despite the appearance and rhetorical efforts to espouse equality in access to global markets (Andersson 2016b), the persistence and expansion of classed and racialized exclusion – including the deaths associated with this exclusion (Jones 2016) – becomes evermore apparent as a central organizing logic in the global system. The production of “crisis” and the continuation of structural violence through the embeddedness of a global apartheid regime, produces precarity and violence on migrants involved in clandestine journeys due to the restriction of their mobility.

**Conclusion**

Castles and his colleagues (2012, 145) argue that “migration should be seen not as a threat to state security, but as the result of human insecurity that arises through global inequality.” Approaching migration from a securitized perspective, predicated on a misleading trope of “crisis,” fails to see migration as inherently structural and cannot be fixed through punitive approaches to migration control (Andersson 2016b). Examining border industries reveals the relationship between the state and migrants as policies of exclusion and drive the growth and development of the respective industries. The
practice of bordering remains highly problematic as it increases the precarity associated with the irregular migrant journeys. The unwavering commitment to the security narrative and the production of “crisis,” coupled with the obfuscation of state’s role in migrant deaths, will continue to lead to further, more substantial investment in border industries capabilities.

The circular and paradoxical nature of border industries has been highlighted throughout the article, suggesting that efforts to control the border are met with increased innovation and resistance from migrant populations. This contributes to greater state efforts to control borders in a seemingly never-ending process (re)negotiation of the border and efforts to secure the perceived territorial integrity of the state in a globalized era of increased interconnectivity. There is a need to critically rethink borders in a supposedly globalized system. The perverse logic that currently frames the understanding and performance of sovereignty is antiquated and desperately needs to move beyond the inside/outside logic that has served to entrench classed and racialized segregation in the international system. Embedding barriers, both physical and structural, remain intact ensures the violence of borders will persist and the marginalization and deaths of irregular migrant populations will continue.
References

Colly


 civil society in the countries in which they work.

At a 1995 conference on development,1 discussion of the role of external forces in nurturing associations that strengthen civil society was notable...
for the lack of one vital question: what kind of civil association strengthens civil society? That is, how do we try to ensure that strengthening resources for civil society nurtures beneficial rather than destructive and divisive groups? This strikes at the core of the split between the positions of de Tocqueville and Bayart, which has also been central to some of the best academic work done recently on the politics of Africa. NGOs have a responsibility to assess whether all civil associations act as building blocks for civil society, or only those with specific, identifiable characteristics. Sadly, this issue has been too easily overlooked by NGOs eager to embrace the perceived benefits of the revived interest in civil society.

NGOs and the grab for civil society

Since 1990, the concept of civil society has been ‘grabbed’ by NGOs as one relating closely to their own natural strengths. On the surface, civil society is intimately connected with the role of local community associations or groups, and with the indigenous NGO sector. For Northern NGOs, this leads to an intellectual association between civil society and local ‘partner’ or implementing organisations. From studies of the factors that encouraged a focus on civil society (e.g. Robinson 1995) two central trends can be discerned in donor and NGO thinking.

Among donors, interest in civil society has been associated with the evolution of the conditionality of aid. Conditionality, which rose to prominence in the 1980s, allowed donors to think more creatively about the large-scale impacts of their bilateral programmes. From 1990, conditionality took on a political dimension when some donors became preoccupied with ‘good governance’. This tendency acquired an economic as well as moral rationale with the 1991 World Development Report (World Bank 1991), in which democracy was projected as not only ethically desirable but also more efficient. Donors began to re-appraise the role of civil society in providing a foundation for sustainable democracy. The work of political scientists such as Stepan (1998), Stocpol (1992), and Keane (1998) variously pointed to civil society as the key to making good governance work.

Thus, the democratising function of civil society assumed a higher profile among multilateral agencies, and NGOs were identified as a possible point of contact with its building blocks, namely civil associations. Coupled with these changes was an increasing awareness among NGOs of their own potential role in the wider development picture.
Contemporary with the rise of Participatory Rural Assessment (PRA) and its methodologies — a new orthodoxy for promoting community-based design of, and control over, development projects — was a converse trend. This was the idea that NGO-supported projects can legitimately have wider and much larger economic, social, and political objectives. As NGOs acquired new ways of thinking about ‘partnership’ and the implementation of projects by local organisations, so they were also considering the wider ramifications of such activities. A 1992 conference on ‘scaling up’ the impact of NGOs marked a breakthrough in addressing the potential macro-impact and macro-application of grassroots development activities (Edwards and Hulme 1992).

The process was spurred on by the UN, which moved to the fore in promoting civil society as a development issue. UNDP, UNICEF, and ECOSOC introduced procedures to provide voluntary associations with greater access to their systems; and ECOSOC’s review of NGOs has discussed the possibility of funding Southern NGO participation at ordinary UN business meetings (UN NGLS 1995a: 7). However, assumptions about the nature of NGOs have allowed the issue of ‘access’ by the voluntary sector to dominate discussions about civil society within the UN. Indeed, the UN NGO Liaison Service has produced an impressive paper emphasising the expanding place for NGOs around UN tables (UN NGLS 1995b).

The combination of donor, NGO, and UN interest provides the background to the civil society ‘grab’. But few NGOs have explored the full theoretical implications of civil society, or clearly articulated their own interpretations of its nuances. The problem is the belief that NGOs are inherently bound to strengthen civil society, an assumption which, if acted upon, might in fact weaken the evolution of civil society in certain contexts.

**The theoretical division**

Civil society is usually held to be the collective intermediary between the individual and the state. For de Tocqueville, civil society (in contrast to traditional society) is a defensive counterbalance to the increased capabilities of the modern state. It provides a realm in which society interacts constructively with the state, not to subvert and destroy it, but to refine its actions and improve its efficiency. Thus, civil society tends to be associated not with the selfish drive of Hegelian theory, but with the constructive actions of altruistic concern.
Hence, civil society groups coalesce not on the basis of primordial attachments (ethnicity, language, religion), but rather on ‘small issues’ that cut across such boundaries and bring people together in new coalitions. For de Tocqueville, a key example was the nineteenth-century temperance movement in the USA, which brought together thousands of disparate people under a common banner. The anti-slavery movement or anti-Corn Law League played similar roles in Britain.

The implications for development practitioners relate to these ‘small issue’ coalitions or ‘civil associations’. Stepan’s study of Brazil (Stepan 1988) gives grounds for ruling politically motivated groups out of the equation, and for focusing on those local NGOs, human rights groups, and leisure associations which conform with de Tocqueville’s precepts.

Small issues

The reasons why an association forms are critical for its long-term role. Associations which bring people together, regardless of old identities, to work together for development — to form credit schemes or health clubs, for example — may play empowering roles. In the short term, so will those associations which undertake the same functions in primordially homogeneous groups. But in the latter case, their aim may move from the ‘small issue’ (sadly, in this context community development is a ‘small issue’) to strengthening the primordial group’s comparative position within a wider context of clientelism and patronage.

Thus, classical de Tocquevillian thinking offers a crucial challenge to NGOs working to strengthen local civil associations or community groups. Most NGOs, however, lose sight of these crucial caveats about the quality of associative forms. They adopt the view that all civil associations — that is, all community or development groups — naturally build civil society. Take, for example, the definition of civil society underpinning UNDP’s policy on the links between its own programmes and civil society (UNDP 1993). This has become something of a mainstay within the NGO sector, and it rests on the intermediary role of civil society and the state, viewing social movements as civil society groups. Thus, all associations, no matter how primordially-rooted or patronage-based, are seen as civil society organisations (CSOs).

UNDP’s position has been seminal for many development groups, and the focus on interacting with civil society rather than analysing its composite parts has had major impact. The concentration on NGOs’ access to the UN system, mentioned above, has muted discussion of the
long-term impact of different types of NGOs. UNDP’s 1995 paper, prepared for the UN’s fiftieth anniversary, picked up its earlier work on civil society (UNDP 1995). Its focus is primarily on collaborative mechanisms, and its definitions refer to civil society collectively, rather than to individual elements within it.

The adoption of such a limited definition may be crucial. For example, a village-level project in a highly heterogeneous area may unwittingly undermine the future growth of civil society. If the village is primordially homogeneous, and the project develops strong local organisations without setting up umbrella bodies to promote co-operation with other villages, what has it achieved? In some instances, it will have increased the village’s capacity to play the patron/client game, and strengthened its internal identities, without forging the mechanisms to build civil society.4

NGOs and Bayart

Some argue that all associations and community groups are indeed components of civil society, a view associated with Jean-François Bayart, whose work explores societies’ attempts to subvert and control the state (Bayart 1986; 1993). In this view, projects that simply strengthen groups associating on primordial grounds are facilitating a natural, competitive process arising from the specific characteristics of African civil society. This suggests that it is largely inappropriate to apply Western concepts of civil society to contexts in which primordial attachments are unlikely to decline in the near future.

Both arguments have their strengths and weaknesses. However, evidence is emerging to suggest that primordial attachments do change with the process of societal change, and this may have important implications. There is a school of thought centred on ‘bringing the state back in’, and exemplified by Laitin’s work on Nigeria, that suggests the state can hugely affect primordial identities through its own changing policies (Laitin 1992). The example of Pakistan suggests that the development of a local bourgeoisie may foster integrative groups based on ‘small issues’, even in the face of entrenched ethnic or religious divisions (Whaites 1995). World Vision UK, in perhaps the first NGO research into the relationship between identities and nascent civil society, found that even apparently destructive political acts, such as displacement and conflict, may provoke conditions conducive to the growth of civil society (Westwood 1996).
Such examples suggest that we should not yet give up on traditional, evolutionary ideas of civil society. The interaction of social change


 period of the ‘economic miracle’, when yearly growth was well into two digits. After the death of the journalist Vladimir Herzog in prison in 1975, which got quite some repercussion and protests at home and abroad, protests became louder and the press bolder. The death of the metallurgical worker, trade union member, Manoel Fiel Filho in 1976 in a Department of Information Operations led to the dismissal of the general responsible for that unit (Fico 2004: 29-56). From 1977, repression, torture, and disappearances decreased, although censorship was strict until the end of the seventies. In 1979, by the end of Geisel’s mandate, the president and his successor, the last military president, Figueiredo, were preparing for the return to democracy through the abertura (Castro 1995). The state of exception, established
in 1964, ended in 1979, and was followed by the phase of transition to democracy. Exiled politicians were asked to return to Brazil, which a number started doing. Artists and academics, gone into exile to escape persecution, were also slowly coming back. Censorship had made life very difficult for artists, although with creativity, quite some interesting works have been produced in very different areas, such as film, music, theatre (Reis et al. 2014: 11-47, 172-185, 203-215).

Although the number of victims who died of torture or disappeared was much lower than in neighbouring countries such as Argentina and Chile, Brazil addressed the topic of investigating the past much later than these countries. Only when Dilma became president, herself a victim of the military having been tortured by them, did she establish a Comissão Nacional da Verdade, in 2012. This National Truth Committee has an ample mandate, interviewing victims and authors of torture, opening archives about this period, and trying to find out if archives had disappeared, etc. The final report was ready in 2014 (Comissão Nacional da Verdade 2014). According to a number of Brazilians, the transition to democracy got a great boost with the advent of this Committee, and thanks to her work, democracy can be considered consolidated (Oliveira 2013). Other Brazilians, national and international academics and politicians, regard the 1992 Collor de Mello impeachment procedure already as evidence of Brazil’s maturity as a democracy.

In that same year, 1992, there were many protests, inspired by those under the military regime. There was also a direct link between the protest movements of 2013 and 2014 and those during the military regime. Because of the lasting impact of the military regime in Brazil, a workshop was organised in Leiden University, precisely 50 years after the coup, on the 31st of March 2014, looking at how Brazil was shaped during the military regime and how it has emerged from it, following the return of democracy. The participants in the workshop also looked at the legacies of the regime in a democratic Brazil, and, in how far, this period still has an impact on the Brazil of today, and, at the same time, what kind of changes took place since the consolidation of democracy, in quite a number of areas such as national and international politics, social and cultural movements, and also at the role of the military then and now. Some results of this workshop are found in this dossier.¹

As Timothy Power points out, the military regime had a relative legitimacy when compared to other dictatorships in the Southern Cone. Power examines several variables which impact on the way politics has played out between 1985 and 2014: a high level of continuity of personnel inherited from the military period, an accentuated commitment to civil liberties, as in the Constitution of 1988, a more robust level of

¹ For the organisation of the workshop, thanks must be given to the Leiden Chair of Brazilian Studies Rui Barbosa, and to the Leiden History Institute. Due to constraints of space, not all contributions could be included here. João Roberto Martins Filho showed the complexity of the military regime in Brazil. Esther Limonad focused primarily on mass mobilization, in particular on the grassroots movements from 2013, and made an analysis of the changes of the Brazilian state, of what has not changed and the (re)actions against it. Tânia Pelligrini painted a more general picture of the specific actions of the military regime leading to the effective consolidation of the Brazilian cultural industry.
political competition compared to the pre-coup years, and a delayed but increasingly meaningful consideration of transitional justice issues. He also stresses the importance during the mass mobilization (the street), which engendered the collapse of the military regime, and has been used a number of times since.

Marianne Wiesebron analyses Brazil’s foreign policies, during the military regime, in the middle of the Cold War, well into the 21st century. One important concept is Independent Foreign Policy, presented in 1961, but only really developed under President Geisel when the Brazilian government started its cooperation with the People’s Republic of China, amongst others, in the framework of Brazil’s national economic development. The Brazilian military followed an independent path in an adverse conjuncture, becoming less aligned to Washington, as no reciprocity came from the US in return for Brazil’s loyalty. The pendulum movement of governments more or less aligned to the US does also happen in times of democratic regimes. President Cardoso was much more aligned to Washington, especially during his first mandate, while President Lula really put Brazil on the world map.

Roberto Vecchi focused on the problem of trying to give back a memory of those who disappeared during the military regime. The worst case is that of the Araguaia guerrilla, which disappeared without leaving any traces. Although limited in numbers, state violence started earlier than in other neighbouring countries. His analysis, based on the novel K. by Bernardo Kucinski, from 2011, shows how to weave a public memory from the disappeared and, more generally, from the repressive traumas of the authoritarian years.

Maria Lucia de Barros Camargo presents a much more specific analysis, concentrating on the Revista Civilização Brasileira, published between 1965 and 1968, which can be considered the first magazine to be launched with the explicit objective of resistance to the 1964 military coup. Furthermore, the theme song of Chico Buarque, Tem Mais Samba, introduced in 1964, is the start of a reflection on the discussions about the state of culture, especially with regard to literature and its relationship to popular music. She studies the survival in and of the Brazilian popular music (MPB), 50 years after the coup.

Finally, Vinicius de Carvalho, aims his attention at a musical show Opinião, whose premiere was on the 11th of December 1964, at the Teatro Arena in Rio de Janeiro, under the direction of Augusto Boal. The show was considered a manifesto, a clear protest against the socio-economic conditions in Brazil. It became a reference to what became known as protest music against the regime established in March of that same year in Brazil. This show substantiated the various social and political demands of Brazil at that time and became an aesthetic and political paradigm. At the same time, the 1964 production is compared to the reinterpretation of the show in 2014. The goal is to seek to understand how, 50 years after the coup and the show Opinião, Brazilian music and art reflect not only that historical moment, but also its role in the contemporary socio-political context.

The articles of this dossier show clearly how in some ways there is an enduring impact of the military regime, while at the same time democracy became consolidated.
They also highlight the political, social, cultural complexities of the various periods, and, above all, how many protests there have been, in many different forms, which also, in some ways, persist over 50 years later.

REFERENCES

---

| Marianne L. Wiesebron | is Associate Professor of History at the Department of Latin American Studies at Leiden University. She specialises in Brazilian foreign relations and society. She also works on current economic and political developments in Latin America, in particular on problems of regional integration in South America. Amongst her recent works: “Social Policies during the Lula Administration: The Conditional Cash Transfer Program Bolsa Família” (2014), *Brazil under the Worker's Party: Continuity and Change from Lula to Dilma* (Co-Ed. 2014); “Democracia participativa e cidadania no Brasil” (2013).<|endoftext|>THE GOOD AND THE BAD OF GLOBALIZATION

Although globalization is a nebulous term for many Americans, it is the subject of a contentious worldwide debate. At the center of that debate are questions involving economic domination of world markets and distribution of wealth, as well as the homogenization of cultures.

Globalization is an ongoing process resulting in increased economic, political and cultural changes fostered through rapid worldwide communication and transportation. The last two decades of the 20th century witnessed the proliferation of satellite phones and Internet communication, as well as worldwide air, water and land transportation, transforming the diverse world into an interconnected place.

While increased speeds of communication and transportation seem at first blush to be beneficial to everyone—particularly when combined with free trade and commerce—there are underlying concerns. These concerns deal with the


 percent. Moreover, the total volume of cases filed with USCIS actually fell from 8,530,722 in FY 2017 to 7,650,127 in FY 2019—a drop of more than 10 percent. Given that the agency is fee-funded, this disparate level of growth in personnel appears unjustified and unsustainable.

Perhaps most importantly, the growth in personnel does not appear to have resolved longstanding problems within the agency. Average case processing times—the time it takes the agency to adjudicate the various forms of petitions and applications that it receives, including applications for naturalization and permanent residency—surged by 46 percent between 2017 and 2019. The agency has therefore significantly increased its day-to-day costs at a time when its revenue from filing fees has decreased, while also taking significantly longer to meet its processing goals.

The agency is now asking American taxpayers for a bailout, while millions of people and employers continue paying considerable filing fees for a decreasing level of service, without any clear plan for improvement. News reports indicate that the agency is proposing to add a 10 percent surcharge on almost all applications and petitions to pay back the bailout, while at the same time racing towards finalizing a fee rule that would increases filing fees significantly, which could deter individuals from filing immigration benefit requests. As a condition for receiving congressional appropriations, Congress must impose common-sense reforms, as well as ensure that USCIS is transparent and responsible regarding its fiscal management.

To that end, Congress should appoint an independent auditor to conduct an immediate review of the agency’s funding request by June 15, as well as a full audit of its budget and operations by June 30. Congress should direct USCIS to provide the following data which are also set forth in the bipartisan Case Backlog and Transparency Act of 2020 (H.R. 5971):

- Data showing case receipts for fiscal years 2018, 2019, 2020, broken down by form type.
- Data, by form type, showing the number of pending benefit applications, the net backlog, and the gross backlog at the end of each quarter for fiscal years 2018, 2019, 2020.
- Data showing the average processing time and processing time goals for each benefit application at the end of each quarter for fiscal years 2018, 2019, 2020.

---

All USCIS Application and Petition Form Types (Fiscal Year 2019, 4th Quarter, Jul. 1 – Sep. 30, 2019), [https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/Immigration%20Forms%20Data/All%20Form%20Types/Quarterly_All_Forms_FY19Q4.pdf](https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/Immigration%20Forms%20Data/All%20Form%20Types/Quarterly_All_Forms_FY19Q4.pdf).

• Data showing any transfers of funds between fee accounts and between Department components.

• Approval and denial rates for processed cases, disaggregated by immigration benefit type for each quarter for fiscal years 2018, 2019, 2020.

**In addition, Congress should ask USCIS to provide the following information:**

• What is the precise methodology that was used as the basis for the agency’s projected shortfall of $1.2 billion due to the COVID-19 pandemic?

• If the agency’s shortfall is in fact due to the COVID-19 pandemic, why did USCIS issue a similar projected shortfall in November 2019 when it published its most recent proposed fee rule?

• If the agency was already anticipating a budget shortfall in 2019, why did it propose to transfer more than $100 million of its funding to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in its November 2019 proposed fee rule?

• Can the agency provide a detailed accounting of the funds and resources that it has reallocated to other agencies?

• Given the increases in overall processing times and the agency’s budgetary concerns, how has USCIS been able afford the diversion of hundreds of its staff to conduct enforcement work for ICE and CBP in the last year?

• Has the agency provided a detailed analysis of the factors that have contributed to its delays in case processing?

• How much money is the agency holding in its premium processing fee account and how are these funds currently obligated?

• Has the agency provided detailed data on filings by week and visa category to substantiate its claim of an overall decrease of 70 percent in filings?

• Has the agency provided detailed expenditure data for at least the last three years?

• Has the agency provided information on per-officer productivity and metrics?

• Has the agency provided detailed information on the recent growth of its Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate?
USCIS should adopt cost-efficient measures for adjudicating immigration applications and petitions

In recent years, USCIS has adopted a series of policies and practices that have created inefficiencies in its operations – increasing the agency’s overall cost of adjudicating immigration applications and petitions – while at the same time resulting in a reduction in the overall number of applications and petitions that the agency receives. Congress should not appropriate temporary funding until USCIS takes the following measures to reduce the cost of adjudicating immigration applications and petitions:

• **USCIS should eliminate its in-person interview requirement for routine cases.** In October 2017, USCIS began implementing its in-person interview requirement for all individuals seeking lawful permanent residency through their U.S. employer as well as certain relatives seeking family reunification with asylees and refugees. Under prior policy, USCIS officers had discretion to require such interviews on a case-by-case basis, where, for example, applications presented fraud or national security concerns. The new policy mandates those interviews indiscriminately, despite no meaningful evidence of this requirement’s utility. Unneeded, time-intensive interviews drain agency resources. USCIS should eliminate its in-person interview requirement for routine cases that present no fraud or national security concerns.

• **USCIS should reinstitute the agency’s 2004 “deference” policy.** In October 2017, USCIS rescinded longstanding guidance under which USCIS adjudicators deferred to prior approvals of temporary immigration benefits when processing requests to extend those benefits absent error or a material change in circumstances. Under the agency’s new guidance, USCIS personnel must now effectively re-adjudicate many previously approved petitions despite no change in the terms and conditions. This needless duplication of efforts squanders resources, drives delays, and creates inconsistency in adjudications. To more cost-effectively adjudicate petitions, USCIS should rescind its 2017 policy and reinstitute its 2004 deference policy.

• **USCIS should reuse biometrics and waive the biometrics requirement for certain groups.** USCIS should exercise its discretion pursuant to 8 CFR 103.2(b)(9) to limit when biometrics need to be captured. In order to save personnel and processing costs, USCIS should reuse all biometrics that have been captured within the past five years for any form type and waive the biometrics requirement for individuals under the age of 14 or above the age of 65, as well as for applicants who have been previously vetted, such as Form I-539 and naturalization applicants.

---

• **USCIS should stop rejecting applications and petitions due to alleged incompleteness or blank spaces.** USCIS has recently begun implementing a policy in which the agency is rejecting, and in some cases denying, applications and petitions for alleged incompleteness for failure to complete certain sections of the form. This includes rejecting forms for failure to write “N/A” in boxes that are clearly inapplicable; for example, failing to write “N/A” in the “apartment number” box for an applicant who lives in a house. In some cases, USCIS has even rejected applications where an applicant or petitioner indicates “not applicable”, “na” or “none” instead of “N/A” in a particular section of the form. Requiring officers to review for non-material spaces and expend resources to return petitions and fees is an inefficient use of agency resources and creates an unnecessary barrier to accepting applications and petitions, especially for unrepresented applicants. USCIS should refrain from rejecting applications and petitions on this basis.

• **Issue RFEs and NOIDS more judiciously.** In recent years, USCIS has been issuing Requests for Evidence (RFEs) and Notices of Intent to Deny (NOIDs) at an unprecedented high rate, which wastes limited staff resources and increases the overall time it takes from USCIS to adjudicate applications and petitions. For example, for H-1B petitions, USCIS data reveals the percentage of completed cases with RFEs increased from 22.3 percent in FY2015 to 40.2 percent in FY2019. The RFE rate reached 60 percent during the first quarter of FY2019, and was 47.2 percent during the first quarter of FY2020. Frequently, RFEs and NOIDs are issued seeking evidence that has already been provided or that is unnecessary to establish eligibility. The agency should take steps to issue RFEs and NOIDs more judiciously to spare agency resources.

• **DHS should immediately suspend its public charge rule.** DHS recently implemented a convoluted and inefficient new framework that radically heightens the


We ask you to spread the word and Activate others. Including the community will give us more pressure to resolve the many attacks that we have felt in recent years.

While addressing the members of ED 51, I said I would add one more word to the three directives of the RA and that word is VOTE. That is how our power can and will be felt. NYSUT is introducing a new campaign “Pledge to Vote”. Research has proven that IF A PERSON MAKES A FORMAL COMMITMENT TO DO SOMETHING, THEY ARE FAR MORE LIKELY TO FOLLOW THROUGH ON THAT COMMITMENT. I hope you will take action right away. Encourage your children and grandchildren who are not yet registered to vote to do so, then “Pledge to Vote”, as well.

NYSUT has set a goal of signing up 95% of its members in this “Pledge to Vote” Campaign. Volunteers will ask members to sign pledge post cards or to sign the pledge at pledge.nysut.org.

Can you be an educated, motivated and activated retiree and sign on to the “Pledge to Vote” Campaign even before you are asked? RC 7’s delegates and Executive Board have signed on - NOW IT’S YOUR TURN!

**In Remembrance**

Jamesville-Dewitt
Marcellus

Angela Marziale
Carmen Costa

Henrietta Merel
Helen Ordon

Robert Reals, Sr.
Audrey Riggall

Liverpool

Gloria Bassi

Michael Gorman

Beverly Grome

Fayetteville-Manlius
OCM BOCES

Robert Avery
John Fiori + Syr

Betty Osborn
Dorothy Truex + Aub, Marcellus

Alice Pearlman

Priscilla Steinbach

Baldwinsville
Syracuse

Mary Allen
Arthur Belge + ESM

Kenneth Cook
Gloria Butler

East Syracuse-Minoa
Sandra Carroll

Charlene Connolly
Gary Crofoot

Peter D’Agostino

Audrey Damon

Paul Dievendor

Vida Fellows

Joan Gilels

Betty Koziol

Maureen Mirabito

Caroline Richardson

Catherine Steiger

**North Syracuse**

Robert DeDell, Sr.
James Lamic
Edith Spann

**Fabius-Pompey**

Joyce Berg

**Onondaga CC**

Bernard Naselli

**Westhill**

Theresa Blair
Richard Pietrowicz

**Port Byron**

Jean Farrell

**Auburn**

Mildred Cefaratti
Alfred Farrell

**West Genesee**

John Calvert
Join Us on June 21, 2016 for the RC 7 Luncheon at NYSUT, 4983 Brittonfield Parkway, E. Syracuse
$15 per person
Registration @ 11:30 • Meeting @ Noon • Lunch @ 12:30 • Scholarship Presentations after Lunch
Spend time with friends and colleagues and congratulate the scholarship winners!!

Luncheon Buffet catered by John’s and Sons includes Chicken Cordon Blue, Garlic Mashed Potatoes, Vegetables, Romanian Strawberry Salad, Rolls and Butter, Cookies, Soda and Water

Directions: From Rte. 481, take exit 7. Turn right, then left onto Brittonfield Parkway. NYSUT is on the right.

Reservation Form

Name ___________________________ Phone ___________________________

Email __________________________

Number of reservations ________ at $15. Amount enclosed $ _________

Please send reservation form and a check payable to NYSUT RETIREE COUNCIL 7 to:
FRAN HUDSON, NYSUT Regional Office, 4983 Brittonfield Parkway, Box 247, E. Syracuse, NY 13057
Reservations must be received by June 1st. No one can be seated without a reservation.

RC 7 TRIPS

RC 7 Trip: Tioga Train “Oktoberfest Express” October 21, 2016

- Round trip motor coach transportation to Wellsboro PA
- One lunch aboard Tioga Railroad
- Tour of Leonard Harrison State Park and “Grand Canyon of the East”
- Admission to:
  - Tioga Railroad Scenic Tour
  - Harrison State Park
  - Highland Chocolate Factory Store

Tioga Train Trip Info: Cost is $140 per person.
Initial deposit of $40 per person and registration form is necessary to reserve your seat.
Balance will be due by September 15, 2016.

Bella Tours ~ 315-652-0121 ~ bellatours@hotmail.com
Questions? Contact Marge Schuster at 446-2037 or mschuster730@yahoo.com or go to RC7’s website.

NYSUT RETIREE COUNCIL 7 & 8 Tioga Train “Oktoberfest Express” RESERVATION FORM

Please complete the following form for each traveler and return to Bella Tours and Travel Inc. 305 Vine Street, Suite 9, Liverpool, NY 13088
Phone# 315-652-0121 Fax# 315-299-4733 email: bellatours@hotmail.com

Name ____________________________________________ M______F______

Address __________________________________________

Home Phone # ___________________________ Cell Phone# ___________________________

Optional Cancellation Insurance? Yes___ No____ (please submit with deposit - insurance is $10 per person - additional info available at Bella Tours)

Method of payment: Cash_____ Check#_____ Credit Card ____ (call cc info into Bella) Money Order _____

Please indicate any physical limitations, and dietary restrictions.
Bring a list of medications and allergies with you on tour.

Make checks payable to Bella Tours and Travel Inc. (There will be a $20 fee for any returned checks.)
Save with NYSUT Member Benefits

The NYSUT membership is made up of a variety of diverse professionals within the education and health care industries -- joining together in support of those who depend on them. We salute these men and women for their dedication and the sacrifices they make on a daily basis to help improve the lives of others.

And we are proud to offer you -- the hard-working NYSUT member -- an opportunity to participate in the more than 40 endorsed programs & services offered by NYSUT Member Benefits.

Look to Member Benefits for crucial insurance programs such as auto, homeowners, life, disability, or long-term care insurance. Member Benefits also offers a variety of travel, entertainment & shopping options to help you with everything from daily purchases to those special once-in-a-lifetime excursions.

The following is just a sampling of the endorsed programs & services available to NYSUT members & their families:

- Homeowners Insurance
- Auto Insurance
- Legal Service Plan
- Financial Counseling Program
- Life Insurance
- Vision Plan
- ID Watchdog
- PayCheck Direct
- Car & Truck Rentals
- Wyndham Hotels
- Endless Vacation Rentals
- Buyer’s Edge, Inc.

To learn more about Member Benefits-endorsed programs & services, visit memberbenefits.nysut.org or call 800-626-8101.

For information about contractual endorsement arrangements with providers of endorsed programs, please contact NYSUT Member Benefits. Agency fee payers to NYSUT are eligible to participate in NYSUT Member Benefits-endorsed programs.

May/June ’16<|endoftext|>NCPR Diversity Statement 2018

We believe that diversity is essential in all areas of our operation: staffing, broadcast and digital content, and advisory board participation.

1. **Staffing.** NCPR is recognized by the federal government as a woman-managed broadcast entity. However, NCPR is always striving to diversify the racial makeup of the staff. This is a challenge because the station is located in a region that has only a one percent measurable permanent population that is non-white. The station does