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Nov 6

Neither True nor False: Do LLMs Represent Truth-Value Gaps in Plural Predication?

Large Language Models (LLMs) are increasingly being used to summarize and verify claims in critical sources that inform consequential decisions. Such claims are full of plural definites. If three of five patients improved after taking drug A, the claim the patients improved after drug A is not true, since two did not, yet its negation, the patients didn't improve after drug A, is not true either, since three did. In formal semantics, this truth-value gap is known as the Homogeneity Gap: both the plural definite and its negation are neither true nor false when the property holds for only a fraction of the plural referent. A model that cannot represent this gap turns mixed evidence into a clean verdict, an error that can be costly in high-stakes use. We introduce HomogeneityNLI, a diagnostic dataset of 1,000 minimal pair items crossing determiner, polarity, and group composition across ten logical conditions. Evaluating seven open-weight models, we uncover a pervasive Bivalence Bias: models assign plural definites their homogeneous truth conditions. In the zero-shot setting, no model recognizes the gap for both polarities in more than 15% of scenarios, and negated definites are judged False in 84% of cases. Explicit linguistic rules, chain-of-thought, and enumeration prompts produce unstable, model-specific effects that often entrench the bias. Our findings indicate that current open-weight LLMs acquire the truth conditions of plural predication but not its trivalent logic, and cannot yet be trusted to summarize or verify claims whose evidence is mixed.

Adposition and Case Supersenses v2.6: Guidelines for English

This document offers a detailed linguistic description of SNACS (Semantic Network of Adposition and Case Supersenses; Schneider et al., 2018), an inventory of 52 semantic labels ("supersenses") that characterize the use of adpositions and case markers at a somewhat coarse level of granularity, as demonstrated in the STREUSLE corpus (https://github.com/nert-nlp/streusle/ ; version 4.5 tracks guidelines version 2.6). Though the SNACS inventory aspires to be universal, this document is specific to English; documentation for other languages will be published separately. Version 2 is a revision of the supersense inventory proposed for English by Schneider et al. (2015, 2016) (henceforth "v1"), which in turn was based on previous schemes. The present inventory was developed after extensive review of the v1 corpus annotations for English, plus previously unanalyzed genitive case possessives (Blodgett and Schneider, 2018), as well as consideration of adposition and case phenomena in Hebrew, Hindi, Korean, and German. Hwang et al. (2017) present the theoretical underpinnings of the v2 scheme. Schneider et al. (2018) summarize the scheme, its application to English corpus data, and an automatic disambiguation task. Liu et al. (2021) offer an English Lexical Semantic Recognition tagger that includes SNACS labels in its output. This documentation can also be browsed alongside corpus data on the Xposition website (Gessler et al., 2022): http://www.xposition.org/

  • 11 authors
·
Apr 7, 2017

Subject islands do not reduce to construction-specific discourse function

The term islands in linguistics refers to phrases from which extracting an element results in ungrammaticality (Ross, 1967). Grammatical subjects are considered islands because extracting a sub-part of a subject results in an ill-formed sentence, despite having a clear intended meaning (e.g., "Which topic did the article about inspire you?"). The generative tradition, which views syntax as autonomous of meaning and function, attributes this ungrammaticality to the abstract movement dependency between the wh-phrase and the subject-internal position with which it is associated for interpretation. However, research on language that emphasizes its communicative function suggests instead that syntactic constraints, including islands, can be explained based on the way different constructions package information. Accordingly, Abeillé et al. (2020) suggest that the islandhood of subjects is specific to the information structure of wh-questions, and propose that subjects are not islands for movement, but for focusing, due to their discourse-backgroundedness. This predicts that other constructions that differ in their information structure from wh-questions, but still involve movement, should not create a subject island effect. We test this prediction in three large-scale acceptability studies, using a super-additive design that singles out subject island violations, in three different constructions: wh-questions, relative clauses, and topicalization. We report evidence for a subject island effect in each construction type, despite only wh-questions introducing what Abeillé et al. (2020) call "a clash in information structure." We argue that this motivates an account of islands in terms of abstract, syntactic representations, independent of the communicative function associated with the constructions.

  • 5 authors
·
Feb 8