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The Democratic Conference, called together by Tsereteli and his coadjutors towards the end of September, was of an entirely artificial character, consisting, as it did, of a combination of representatives of Soviets with those of the organs of local self-government in such a proportion as to give a preponderance to the Coalitionist parties. The offspring of helplessness and confusion, the Conference ended in a pitiful fiasco. The propertied bourgeoisie regarded it with the greatest animosity, seeing in it an attempt to drive it from the position to which it had advanced at the Moscow gathering, On the other hand, the revolutionary working class and the masses of the peasantry and soldiers had condemned in advance the methods of adulteration used in calling the Conference together. The immediate task of the Coalitionists was to form a “responsible” Ministry. But even this was not attained. Kerensky did not want and would not allow any principle of responsibility, because the bourgeoisie at his back would not allow it. Non-responsibility before the organs of the so-called democracy meant, in effect, responsibility before the Cadets and the Allied Embassies. For the present this was sufficient for the bourgeoisie. On the question of coalition, the Conference revealed its complete insolvency. The number of votes cast for the principle of a coalition with the bourgeoisie was only little more than that cast against all Coalitions, and a majority of votes was cast against a coalition with the Cadets. But With the exception of the latter, there were no parties among the bourgeoisie worth mentioning with whom a Coalition could be entered into. Tsereteli fully explained this to the assembly. If the assembly did not understand this, so much the worse for it! And so behind the back of the Conference pourparlers were carried on unabashed with the very Cadets whom it had rejected, it having been decided that the Cadets should be treated not as Cadets, but as public men Pressed from the right and from the left, the lower middle-class democrats submitted to all this mockery of themselves and thereby demonstrated their complete political impotence.
A Council was elected from the Democratic Conference, which it was decided should be completed by the addition of some representatives of the propertied classes ; and this Provisional “Parliament” was to fill the gap until the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. The new Coalition Ministry, contrary to Tsereteli’s original plan, but in entire accordance with the plans of the bourgeoisie, was to maintain its formal independence as against the Provisional Parliament. The whole proceeding gave the impression of a pitiful and impotent product of a mind divorced from life, behind which could clearly be seen the complete capitulation of the lower middle-class democrats to that same propertied Liberal bourgeoisie which only a month before had openly supported Kornilov's attempt against the Revolution. The whole thing, then, amounted practically to the re-establishment and the perpetuation of the coalition with the Liberal bourgeoisie. There could no longer be any doubt that, quite independent of the composition of the future Constituent Assembly, the Government power would be in the hands of the bourgeoisie, since the Coalitionist parties, in spite of all the preponderance Secured to them by the popular masses, were unalterably bent on a coalition with the Cadets, considering it impossible to form any Government without the aid of the bourgeoisie. The popular masses regarded Miliukov's party with the greatest hostility. At all elections in the course of the Revolution the Cadets invariably suffered severe defeats; yet the very same parties, the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, who smote the Cadet party at the elections hip and thigh, would, after the elections, invariably reserve for them a place of honour in the Coalition Cabinet. It was natural in these circumstances that the masses began to perceive more and more clearly that the Coalitionist parties were in reality playing the r8le of bailiffs and office-holders for the Liberal bourgeoisie.
DIFFICULTIES AT THE FRONT AND THE REAR.
Meanwhile the internal situation was deteriorating and becoming more and more complicated. The war was dragging along without aim, without sense, without any perspective. The Government was taking no steps to extricate itself from the vicious circle. The ridiculous plan was put forward of sending Skobelev to Paris in order to influence the Allied Imperialists, but no sensible person attached to it any serious importance. Kornilov surrendered Riga to the Germans in order to terrorize public opinion and so to gain a favourable opportunity for establishing an iron discipline in the army. Petrograd was threatened, and the middle-class elements were Welcoming the danger with evident malignancy. Rodzianko, the former President of the Duma, openly said that the surrender of demoralized Petrograd to the Germans would constitute no great misfortune. He referred to the case of Riga, where, following upon the entry of the Germans, the Soviets were dissolved and strict order was established with the help of the old police. True, the Baltic Fleet would be lost; but the fleet had been demoralized by revolutionary propaganda, and the loss would, therefore, not be so very great. This cynicism of the garrulous grand seigneur expressed the secret thoughts of wide circles of the bourgeoisie. The handing over of Petrograd to the Germans would not really mean its final loss. By the peace treaty Petrograd would be returned, but it would in the interval have been disciplined by German militarism. The Revolution in the meantime would be decapitated, and could therefore be more easily grappled with. Kerensky’s Government had, in fact, no serious intention of defending the capital, and public opinion was being prepared for its possible surrender. Government offices were being transferred from Petrograd to Moscow and other towns.
It was in such circumstances that the Soldiers’ Section of the Petrograd Soviet met at a full session. The general feeling was tense and agitated. If the Government was unable to defend Petrograd, let it conclude peace. And if it was incapable of concluding peace, let it clear out. This was how the Soldiers’ Section expressed their views of the condition of affairs. This was the first signal of the coming November Revolution.
THE INEVITABLE STRUGGLE FOR POWER.
The Petrograd Soviet was not silent. It demanded the immediate assumption of authority by the central and local Soviets, the immediate transference of the land to the peasants, the establishment of control by the workers over industry, and the immediate initiation of peace negotiations. So long as we had been in opposition, the cry “All power to the Soviets!” was a battle-cry of propaganda, but since we became a majority on all the chief Soviets it imposed upon us the duty of taking up an immediate and direct struggle for power.
In the villages the position of affairs had become complicated and confused to the last degree. The Revolution had promised the land to the peasants, but had forbidden the latter to touch the land till the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. The peasants at first waited patiently, but when they began to lose patience the Coalition Government resorted to measures of repression. In the meantime the prospect of the meeting of the Constituent Assembly was becoming dimmer and dimmer. The bourgeoisie was insisting that the Constituent Assembly should not be summoned until after the conclusion of peace. The peasant masses, on the other hand, were becoming more and more impatient, and what we had predicted at the beginning of the Revolution was now Coming true. The peasant masses began to grab the land on their own authority. Reprisals became more frequent and severe, and the revolutionary land committees began to be arrested – here and there. In some districts Kerensky even proclaimed martial law. Delegates from the villages began to stream to Petrograd, and complained to the Soviet that they were being arrested while trying to carry out the programme of the Soviets and handing over the estates of the private landowners to the peasants’ committees. The peasants demanded our protection. We replied that we could only help them if the government power were in our hands. Hence it followed that if the Soviets did not want to become mere talking-shops they were bound to make an effort to get the power into their own hands.
It was absurd to fight for the authority of the Soviets six or eight weeks before the, meeting of the Constituent Assembly – so we were told by the friends on the Right. But we were not in the least infected by this fetichism of the Constituent Assembly. In the first place, there were no guarantees that it would really be summoned. The break-up of the army, the wholesale desertions, the disorganization of the food supply, the agrarian revolution – all went to create an atmosphere but little favourable to the holding of elections to the Assembly. Moreover, the possible surrender of Petrograd to the Germans threatened to make such elections altogether impossible. In the second place, even if the Constituent Assembly were to be summoned under the direction of the old parties, on the old party lists, it could only become a protection for, and a confirmation of, the coalition principle of government. Neither the Socialist Revolutionaries nor the Mensheviks were capable of assuming authority without the help of the bourgeoisie. Only a revolutionary class Could break the vicious circle in which the Revolution was floundering and disintegrating. It was essential that the authority should be snatched from the hands of those elements which directly or indirectly were serving the interests of the bourgeoisie and used the Government machinery for obstructing the revolutionary demands of the people.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE SOVIET CONGRESS.
All power to the Soviets: such was the demand of our party. In the preceding period this meant, in terms of party divisions, complete authority for the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks as against the coalition with the Liberal bourgeoisie. Now, however, in November 1917, this demand meant the complete supremacy of the revolutionary proletariat, headed now by the Bolshevik party. The question at issue was the dictatorship of the working class, which was leading, or, to be more correct, was capable of leading, the millions of the poorest peasantry. This was the historical meaning of the November rising.
Everything conspired to lead the party along this path. From the very first days of the Revolution we had insisted on the need and the inevitability of the assumption of the entire government authority by the Soviets. The majority of the Soviets, after an intense internal struggle, adopted our standpoint and took up this demand. We were getting ready for the second All-Russian Congress of the Soviets, at which we expected a complete victory for our party. The Central Executive Committee, on the other hand, under the direction of Dan (the cautious Chkheidze left for the Caucasus in good time) did everything possible to hinder the meeting of the Soviet Congress. After great efforts, supported by the Soviet group at the Democratic Conference, we at last obtained the fixing of a definite date for the Congress November 7th. This date has now become the greatest date in Russian history. As a preliminary, we called together in Petrograd a conference of the Soviets of the Northern Provinces, including also the Baltic Fleet and the Moscow Soviet. We had a definite majority at this conference. We also obtained some protection on the right flank from the left wing of the Socialist Revolutionaries, and laid the foundation for the business-like organization of the November rising.
THE CONFLICT OVER THE PETROGRAD GARRISON.
But even before that, before the conference of the Northern Soviets, something happened which was destined to play a most important part in the corning political struggle.
In the middle of October there appeared at a sitting of the Executive Committee the Soviet representative attached to the staff of the Petrograd military district, who informed us that the Main Headquarters were demanding the despatch of two-thirds of the Petrograd garrison to the front. What for? For the defence of Petrograd! The despatch was not to take place immediately, but it was necessary to get ready for it at once. The Staff asked the Petrograd Soviet to approve of this plan. We pricked up our ears. Already at the end of August five revolutionary regiments had been, wholly or in part, removed from Petrograd. This had been done on the demand of the then Commander-in-Chief, Kornilov, who at that very time was preparing to throw the Caucasian “Savage” Division against Petrograd with the object of settling with the revolutionary capital once and for all. We had thus already had the experience of a purely political redistribution of troops, carried out on the pretext of military operations. It may be noted here, by way of anticipation, that documents which fell into our hands after the November Revolution showed, without any possibility of doubt, that the proposed evacuation of the Petrograd garrison in reality had absolutely nothing to do with military operations, and was forced on the Commander-in-Chief, Dukhonin, against his will by no other than Kerensky himself, who was anxious to clear Petrograd of the most revolutionary soldiers, that is, of those most hostile to himself.
But this was not known in the middle of October, and our suspicions were met by a storm of patriotic indignation. The military Staff tried to hurry us on, and Kerensky was impatient, as the ground beneath his feet was fast becoming too hot for him. We, however, did not hurry to answer. Certainly, Petrograd was in danger, and the terrible question of the defence of the capital exercised us greatly. But after the experience of the Kornilov days, after Rodzianko’s words regarding salvation by a German occupation of Petrograd, how could we be assured that Petrograd would not be wilfully surrendered to the Germans as a punishment for its rebellious spirit? The Executive Committee refused to give its signature to the demand for the removal of two-thirds of the Petrograd garrison without examination. We declared that we must have proof of the reality of the military need which dictated the demand, and for that purpose some organization to examine the question must be created. Thus arose the idea of establishing, side by side with the Soldiers’ Section of the Soviets, that is, with the political representation of the garrison, a purely operative organ in the form of the Military Revolutionary Committee which ultimately acquired enormous power and became practically the instrument of the November Revolution.
Undoubtedly, already at that time, when we were proposing the Creation of an organ to concentrate in its hands all the threads of the purely military direction of the Petrograd garrison, we were clearly realizing that this organ might become an invaluable revolutionary weapon. We were already at that time deliberately and openly steering for a rising and organizing ourselves for it. The opening of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets was fixed, as we said before, for November 7th, and there could be no longer any doubt that it would declare in favour of the assumption of supreme authority by the Soviets. But such a decision would have to be carried out at once, otherwise it would simply become a worthless platonic demonstration. It would have been in accord with the logic of the situation if we had fixed our rising for November 7th. The bourgeois Press, indeed, took this for granted. But the fate of the Congress depended, in the first instance, on the Petrograd garrison. Would it allow Kerensky to surround the Congress and to break it up with the help of a few hundreds or thousands of ensigns, cadets, and members of shock battalions? The very attempt to get the garrison out of Petrograd – did it not signify that the Government was preparing to break up the Congress of the Soviets? It would have been strange indeed if it were not, seeing that we were mobilizing quite openly, in face of the whole country, all the strength of the Soviets for the purpose of dealing the Coalition Government a mortal blow.
And so the whole conflict in Petrograd was coming to an issue over the question of the fate of its garrison. In the first place, of course, it affected the soldiers, but the workers, too, evinced the liveliest interest in it, as they feared that on the removal of the troops they might be crushed by the military cadets and Cossacks. The conflict was thus assuming a very acute character, and the question over which it was tending to an issue was very unfavourable to the Kerensky Government.
Parallel with this struggle over the garrison was also going on the previously mentioned struggle for the summoning of the Soviet Congress, in connection with which we were proclaiming openly, in the name of the Petrograd Soviet and the conference of the Soviets of the Northern District, that the second Soviet Congress must dismiss the Kerensky Government and become the real master of Russia. Practically the rising was already proceeding, and was developing in the face of the whole country.
During October the question of the rising played also an important part in the internal life of our party. Lenin, who was in hiding in Finland, wrote numerous letters insisting on more energetic tactics. Amongst the rank and file there was great fermentation and growing discontent, because the Bolshevik Party, now in a majority in the Soviets, was not putting its own battle-cries into practice. On October 28th a secret meeting of the Central Committee of our party took place, at which Lenin was present. On the order of the day was the question of the rising. With only two dissenters it was unanimously decided that the only means of saving the Revolution and the country from complete destruction was an armed rising, which must have for its object the conquest of supreme government authority by the Soviets.
THE DEMOCRATIC COUNCIL AND THE PROVISIONAL PARLIAMENT.
The Democratic Council which arose out of the Democratic Conference inherited all the impotence of the latter. The old Soviet parties, the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, had secured for themselves an artificial majority on the Council, apparently for the purpose of exposing still more thoroughly their entire political prostration. Behind the scenes Tsereteli was carrying on intricate negotiations with Kerensky and the representatives of the “propertied elements,” as they began terming them in the Council in order to avoid the “insulting” term “bourgeoisie.” Tsereteli’s report on the progress and results of these negotiations sounded very much like a funeral oration over the grave of a whole revolutionary period. It turned out that neither Kerensky nor the propertied elements would agree to the principle of Ministerial responsibility to the new semi-representative body. On the other hand, it was impossible to find “business-like” public men outside the Cadet Party. The organizers of the business had to give in on both points, which capitulation was so much the more delightful as the Democratic Conference had been called together specially for the purpose of putting an end to the irresponsible regime, the Conference, moreover, explicitly rejecting all Coalition with the Cadets. At the last few meetings of the Democratic Council before the new Revolution there was a general atmosphere of great tension and practical impotence. The Council reflected not the progress of the Revolution, but the dissolution of parties whom the Revolution had left far behind.
Already during the session of the Democratic Conference I had raised the question in our party of making a demonstrative exit from the Conference and of boycotting the Democratic Council. It was necessary to demonstrate to the masses by our action that the Coalitionists had brought the Revolution into an impasse. The struggle for the formation of a Soviet Government could only be carried on by revolutionary methods. It was imperative to wrest the authority from the hands of those who had proved themselves incapable for good and who were fast losing all capability even for active harm. It was necessary to oppose our political method through the mobilization of all forces around the Soviets, through the All-Russian Congress of the Soviets, through a rising, to their method of action through an artificially selected “Provisional Parliament” and a problematic Constituent Assembly. This could only be accomplished by an open and public break with the body created by Tsereteli and his friends, and by concentrating all the attention and strength of the working class on the Soviet organizations. It was for these reasons that I proposed a demonstrative exit from the Democratic Conference and a revolutionary agitation in the factories and among the troops against the attempt to adulterate the will of the Revolution and again to direct its further course into the groove of co-operation with the bourgeoisie. Lenin expressed himself in the same sense in a letter which we received a few days later. But among the leaders of the party there was still considerable hesitation. The July Days had left a very deep impression on the party. The masses of workers and soldiers had shaken off the impression made by the July reprisals much more rapidly than many of our leading comrades who feared the break-up of the Revolution by another premature attempt on the part of the masses. In our group at the Democratic Conference I obtained fifty votes for my proposal against seventy cast in favour of participating in the Democratic Council. But our experience on that Council very soon strengthened the left wing of the party. It became only too evident that the method of compromises bordering on mere swindles, which had for its aim to secure the leadership of the Revolution for the propertied classes assisted by the Coalitionists who had lost all footing amongst the wide masses, was not the way out of the impasse into which the flabby middle-class democrats had brought the Revolution. By the time when the Democratic Council, supplemented by representatives of the propertied classes, became transformed into a “Provisional Parliament,” the psychological readiness of our party to break away from this body was already ripe.
THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARIES AND THE MENSHEVIKS.
The question before us at the time was whether the Socialist Revolutionaries of the Left would follow us along this path. This group was then in the process of formation, which from our party point of view was much too slow and hesitating. At the beginning of the Revolution, the Socialist Revolutionary Party became by far the strongest in the whole political field. The peasants, soldiers, and even the masses of the workers voted for the Socialist Revolutionaries. They themselves had not expected anything of the kind, and more than once it had seemed as though there was a danger that the party might choke in the waves of its own success. With the exception of the purely capitalist and landowning classes and the well-to-do intellectuals, all and everybody flocked to the banners of the Socialist Revolutionaries. And this entirely corresponded to the first stage in the Revolution, when the class boundaries had not yet had time to make themselves visible, when the yearning after a united revolutionary front found expression in the nebulous programme of a party which was ready to shelter alike the workers afraid of losing contact with the peasantry, the peasants seeking land and freedom, the intellectuals anxious to guide both these classes, and the official trying to adapt himself to the new order of things. When Kerensky, who, under the Tsarist Government, had belonged to the “Group of Toil,” joined the Socialist Revolutionaries after the victory of the Revolution, the popularity of this party began to grow in correspondence with the advance of Kerensky himself along the road of power. Many colonels and generals, out of respect – not always platonic – for the War Minister, hastened to inscribe their names in the rolls of the party of the erstwhile terrorists. The old Socialist Revolutionaries, belonging to the old revolutionary school, were already at that time regarding somewhat uneasily the ever-growing number of “March” Socialist Revolutionaries, that is to say, those members who had only found their revolutionary souls in March, after the Revolution had overthrown the old regime and had raised the Socialist Revolutionaries to power. In this way the party contained in its amorphousness not only the internal contradictions of the developing Revolution, but also all the prejudices of the backward peasant masses and all the sentimentalism, instability, and ambitions of the intellectual sections of the population. It was quite evident that the party could not exist long in such a form. In point of ideas it proved to be impotent from the very beginning. It was the Mensheviks who played the leading political role in the first stages of the Revolution. They had passed through the Marxian school, and had derived from it certain methods and habits which had helped them to find their way sufficiently in the political situation to adulterate “scientifically” the real meaning of the present class struggle and to secure, in the highest degree possible under the given conditions, the supremacy of the Liberal bourgeoisie. This is the reason why the Mensheviks, who were the direct advocates of the right of the bourgeoisie to power, so quickly spent themselves and were, by the time of the November Revolution, finally reduced almost to a cipher.
The Socialist Revolutionaries were also losing their influence more and more, first among the workers, then in the army, and finally also in the villages. Nevertheless, at the time of the November Revolution they were still numerically a very powerful party. But class antagonisms were undermining it from within. As against its right wing, which in the persons of its most chauvinist elements, such as Avksentieff, Breshko-Breshkovskaya, Savinkoff and others, finally went over to the counter-revolutionaries, a left wing was in process of formation, which tried to maintain a contact with the labouring masses. If we bear in mind the fact that the Socialist Revolutionary Avksentieff, in his capacity as Minister of the Interior, was arresting the peasant land committees consisting almost entirely of Socialist Revolutionaries, for their grappling with the agrarian question on their own authority, the amplitude of disagreements within this party will become sufficiently clear.
In the centre stood the traditional leader of the party, Tchernoff, an experienced writer, well read in Socialist literature, an old hand in party struggles, he was the invariable leader of the party at the time when the party’s life concentrated in refugees’ circles abroad. The Revolution, which, in its first indiscriminate onward rush, had raised the Socialist Revolutionaries to a tremendous height, automatically also raised Tchernoff, but only to show his complete incapability even among the leading political personages of the first period. Those minor qualifications which secured for Tchernov a preponderance in the foreign circles of the party proved to be far too light in the scales of the Revolution. He confined himself to abstaining from all responsible decisions, to avoiding and evading all critical issues, to waiting upon events, and to refraining from all positive activity. Such tactics secured to him, for the time being, the position of a centre between the two flanks of the party, the distance between which was growing ever wider and wider. But the unity of the party could no longer be maintained. Savinkoff, the erstwhile terrorist, had taken part in the Kornilov plot, was on most cordial terms with the counter revolutionary circles of the Cossack officers, and was preparing a crushing blow for the Petrograd workers and soldiers, amongst whom were not a few Socialist Revolutionaries of the Left. As a sop to this left wing, the Centre expelled Savinkoff from the party, but it dared not raise its hand against Kerensky.
In the Provisional Parliament the party showed itself to be hopelessly divided. The three groups acted independently of one another, although all were marching under the same party banner. At the same time none of these groups had any clear idea as to what it wanted. The formal predominance of this party in the Constituent Assembly would only have meant the continuation of the same political sterility and impotence.
THE VOICE OF THE FRONT.
Before leaving the Provisional Parliament, where, according to the political statistics of Kerensky and Tsereteli, we only had about fifty seats, we organized a meeting with the Left Socialist Revolutionary group. They, however, refused to follow us, on the ground that it was necessary for them to prove to the peasantry by a practical experiment the hopelessness of that Parliament. “We think it our duty to warn you,” said one of their leaders, “that if you mean to leave the Provisional Parliament with the object of immediately descending into the street for an open struggle, we shall not follow you.” The bourgeois and Coalitionist Press accused us of aiming at a break-up of the Provisional Parliament for the sole purpose of creating a revolutionary situation. Our group in the Provisional Parliament decided not to wait for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, but to act independently. The declaration of our party, read from the rostrum of the Provisional Parliament and explaining our reason for breaking away from this institution, was met with a howl of execration and impotent rage from the majority groups. In the Petrograd Soviet, where our action was approved by an overwhelming majority, the leader of the small group of “Internationalist” Mensheviks, Martov, argued with us that our exit from the Provisional Council of the Republic (such was the official designation of this disreputable institution) would only then have any sense if we intended to pass immediately to an open offensive against the present Government. But that was just what we did intend doing. The agents of the Liberal bourgeoisie were quite right when they accused us of desiring to create a revolutionary situation. We saw that the only way out of the hopeless state of affairs was by means of an open rising and a direct seizure of power.
In the meantime the conflict regarding the evacuation of the Petrograd garrison was proceeding apace. There were almost daily meetings of the garrison, consisting of company, regimental, and other committees. The influence of our party in the garrison became absolute and quite undivided. The Staff of the Petrograd military district was in a state of extreme confusion. At one time they would try to enter into regular relations with us; at other times, urged on by the leaders of the Central Executive Committee, they would threaten us with repression.
We have already mentioned the formation of a special Military Revolutionary Committee attached to the Petrograd Soviet, which was intended by us as a sort of Soviet Staff of the Petrograd garrison, by way of a counter-weight to Kerensky's Staff. “But the existence of two Staffs cannot be tolerated,” urged the doctrinaire representatives of the Coalitionist parties. “Is, however,” we replied, “a state of things tolerable in which the garrison has no confidence in the official Staff and fears that the removal of troops from Petrograd may be dictated by some new counter-revolutionary design?” “But the creation of a new Staff means an insurrection,” argued the Right; “your Military Revolutionary Committee will have for its aim not so much the examination of the military intentions and orders of the military authorities, as the preparation and execution of a revolt against the present Government.” This argument was perfectly just, but for this very reason it did not frighten any of us. The necessity of overthrowing the Coalition Government was recognized by the overwhelming majority of the Soviet. The more convincingly the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries were demonstrating that the Military Revolutionary Committee would inevitably become an instrument of revolt, the more readily did the Petrograd Soviet support this new militant organ.
The first business of the Military Revolutionary Committee was to appoint Commissioners to all sections of the Petrograd garrison and to all the most important institutions of the capital and suburbs. We received intelligence from various quarters that the Government, or, rather, the Government parties, were busily organizing and arming their forces. From different stores, Government and private, they were removing rifles, revolvers, machine guns and cartridges for the purpose of arming the cadets, students, and, generally, the young bourgeoisie. It was essential to take some preventive measures at once. Commissioners were appointed to all stores and depots of arms, and they became masters of the situation practically without opposition. True, the commandants and proprietors of the stores tried to refuse them recognition, but it was sufficient for the Commissioners to appeal to the soldiers’ committee or to the employees of the particular store in order to break down the opposition almost immediately. Henceforth arms were only issued under direct orders from our Commissioners.
The regiments of the Petrograd garrison, indeed, had had their Commissioners before this, but they used to be appointed by the Central Executive Committee. We have already mentioned that after the June Congress of the Soviets, and particularly after the demonstration of July 1st, which showed the growing strength of the Bolsheviks, the Coalitionist parties had almost entirely shut out the Petrograd Soviet from all practical influence on the course of events m the revolutionary capital. The direction of the affairs of the Petrograd garrison was concentrated in the hands of the Central Executive Committee. Now the question was how to install Soviet Commissioners everywhere. This was only accomplished thanks to the energetic co-operation of the masses of the soldiers. Regiment after regiment would declare, at the end of meetings addressed by speakers from various parties, that they would only recognize the Commissioners appointed by the Petrograd Soviet, and would do nothing without their sanction.
In the appointment of these Commissioners the military organization of the Bolsheviks played a very important part. Already before the July days this organization had done a great deal of propaganda work. On July 18th the cycling battalion, brought into Petrograd by Kerensky, had sacked the villa of Mlle. Krzesinska, where the military organization of our party was located. The majority of its leaders and many of the rank and file were arrested, the papers were suppressed, and the printing machinery was destroyed. Only very slowly did the party again set up its press, but this time underground. Its military organization embraced only a few hundred men of the Petrograd garrison, but they included many determined and absolutely devoted revolutionary soldiers, young officers, and, principally, ensigns who had been imprisoned by Kerensky during July and August. All these now placed themselves at the disposal of the Military Revolutionary Committee and were appointed to the most responsible militant posts.
It will not be out of place, however, to note here that it was exactly the members of the military organization of our party who, in November, adopted an attitude of extreme caution and even of some scepticism towards the idea of an immediate rising. The exclusive character of the organization and its avowedly military character involuntarily inclined its leaders to overestimate the importance of the purely technical means of an insurrection, and from this point of view we were undoubtedly very weak. Our strength lay in the revolutionary spirit of the masses and in their readiness to fight under our banner.
Gorki, in his paper Novaya Zhizn (New Life), daily prophesied the coming collapse of the whole cultural life of the country. In general, the Socialist red paint was vanishing with astonishing rapidly from the bourgeois intellectuals as the stern reign of the working-class dictatorship drew nearer. On the other hand, the soldiers, even of the more backward regiments, were greeting the Commissioners of the Military Revolutionary Committee with enthusiasm. Delegates were arriving from Cossack troops and from the Socialist minority amongst the cadets, promising, in case of an open collision, to secure, at least, the neutrality of their men. It was evident that Kerensky’s Government was simply hanging in the air, without any firm ground under its feet.
The Military Staff of the district entered into negotiations with us and proposed a compromise. In order to get an idea of the strength of resistance of our foe we entered into pourparlers. But the nerves of the Staff were all on edge. Now they would admonish, then they would threaten us, and even declared that our Commissioners were illegal – which ban, of course, did not in the least interfere with their work. The Central Executive Committee, in agreement with the Military Staff, appointed Staff Captain Malevsky to be Chief Commissioner for the Petrograd military district, and generously consented to recognize our Commissioners, provided they were subordinated to their Chief Commissioner. This proposal was rejected and the negotiations were broken off.
Prominent Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries would come to us as mediators, reason with and threaten us, foretelling our doom and the doom of the Revolution.
The building of the Smolny Institute was at that time already in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet and of our party. The Mensheviks and the Right Socialist Revolutionaries had moved to Marie Palace, where the scarcely born Provisional Parliament was almost breathing its last. Kerensky made a great speech in the Provisional Parliament, in which, accompanied by the stormy applause of the bourgeois section, he attempted to conceal his impotence behind hysterical threats. The Military Staff made a last attempt at resistance. It sent an invitation to various units of the garrison, asking them to appoint two delegates from each unit to discuss the question of the evacuation of troops from the capital. The conference was fixed for one o’clock, November 4th. The regiments immediately informed us of this invitation, and we at once called a meeting of the garrison over the telephone for eleven o’clock in the morning. Some of the delegates, however, found their way to the Staff, but only to declare that without the permission of the Petrograd Soviet they would not go an inch anywhere. The garrison meeting almost unanimously reaffirmed its loyalty to the Military Revolutionary Committee. Opposition came only from the official representatives of the former Soviet parties, but it found no support whatever among the delegates of the regiments. The attempt of the Military Staff only showed the more clearly that the ground beneath our feet was firm. In the front ranks stood the Volhynian Regiment – the same one which, on the night of July 16th-17th, had marched to the strains of its band into the Taurida Palace for the purpose of putting down the Bolsheviks.
The Central Executive Committee, as was stated above, held possession of the funds and the Press of the Petrograd Soviet. All efforts to obtain possession even of one of these papers had proved of no avail. Hence about the middle of October steps had been taken to establish an independent paper for the Petrograd Soviet. But all the printing establishments were occupied, and their owners boycotted us, with the connivance of the Central Executive Committee. It was, therefore, decided to organize a Petrograd Soviet Day for the purpose of promoting an extended propaganda and collecting money for the establishment of a paper. This day had been fixed a fortnight previously for November 4th, and thus coincided with the date when the insurrection was publicly coming to view. The hostile Press was announcing it as an established fact that in November there would be an armed rising of the Bolsheviks in the streets of Petrograd. No one doubted that there would be a revolt. The only question was when. Efforts were made to guess and to predict, in order to elicit from us either a denial or an admission. All in vain. The Soviet calmly and confidently was forging ahead, paying no heed to the howl of bourgeois public opinion.
November 4th became the day of the review of the forces of the proletarian army. It went off splendidly in all respects. In spite of the warnings emanating from the Right that rivers of blood would flow in the streets of Petrograd on that day, the masses of the people poured out into the streets in huge waves to take part in the meetings of the Soviet. All our oratorical strength was made full use of; all public places were packed; meetings went on continuously for hours. These were addressed by speakers from our party; by delegates who had come from different parts of the country to take part in the Congress of Soviets; by speakers from the front, from the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, and from the Anarchists. The halls were simply overwhelmed by the masses of workers and soldiers. There had been few such meetings in Petrograd even during the Revolution.
A considerable section of the lower middle class was greatly disturbed – not so much actually frightened as made uneasy by the warnings and slanders of the bourgeois Press. Tens of thousands of people beat in huge waves against the walls of the People’s Palace, overflowed into the corridors, and filled the halls. From the columns enormous garlands of human heads, hands, and feet were hanging down like bunches of grapes. The air seemed impregnated with an electric current, such as is fclt at the most critical moments of a revolution. “Down with Kerensky’s Government!” “Down with the war!” “All authority to the Soviets!” Not one of the representatives of the former Soviet parties dared step forward before this colossal gathering with a word of opposition. The triumph of the Petrograd Soviet was unique and undivided. The campaign was in reality already won. All that remained was to deal the phantom Government a final military blow.
The more cautious elements in our own midst, however, warned us that there were still some units of troops which were not with us – the Cossacks, the Cavalry Regiment, the Semenoff Guards, and the Cyclist Regiment. Propagandists and Commissioners were appointed to these units. Their reports seemed perfectly satisfactory. The heated atmosphere was affecting everyone and everything, and even the most conservative elements of the army were unable to withstand the general tendency of the Petrograd garrison.
I went to an open-air meeting of the Semenoff regiment which was considered to be the chief support of the Kerensky Government. The best-known speakers of the Right wing were there. They clung to the conservative regiment of the Guards as to the last prop of the Coalition Ministry. But it was of no avail. The regiment declared in our favour by an overwhelming majority, and did not even allow the former Ministers to finish their speeches. Those groups which still opposed the demands of the Soviet consisted mainly of officers, volunteers, and, generally, of the middle-class intellectuals and semi-intellectuals. The workers and peasant masses were wholly on our side. The cleavage was pretty well along a straight social line.
The central military basis of Petrograd is the Peter and Paul Fortress. We appointed as its commandant a young ensign who soon proved himself to be almost born for the place and in a few hours became complete master of the situation. The “lawful” military authorities stepped aside to wait and see what might happen.
For reasons given above, the Cyclist Regiment was considered by us a very unreliable unit. On November 5th I went to the fortress at about two o’clock in the afternoon. In the courtyard a meeting was being held. The speakers of the Right wing were most cautious and evasive, carefully avoiding any question about Kerensky, whose name, even in soldiers’ circles, always gave rise to cries of protest and indignation. They, however, listened to us and adhered to us. At four o’clock the cyclists held a battalion meeting in a neighbouring place, in the Modern Circus. Amongst the speakers was the Quartermaster-General Paradeloff. He, too, spoke very, very cautiously. Far gone were the days when the official and semi-official orators never spoke of the workers’ party otherwise than as a band of traitors and hirelings of the German Kaiser. The Assistant-Chief of the Staff came up to me and said: “Let us, for goodness’ sake, come to some understanding.” But it was now too late. Against only thirty votes, the battalion declared itself, after a debate, in favour of the assumption of authority by the Soviets.
The Kerensky Government was casting about for help from’ one quarter to another. It recalled two new cyclist battalions from the front and a mortar battery, and tried to call out some cavalry. The cyclists, when on their way, sent a telegram to the Petrograd Soviet: “We are being taken to Petrograd. We do not know for what purpose. Kindly explain.” We asked them to stop and to send a delegation to us. When the latter arrived, they declared at the meeting of the Soviet that the battalion was entirely on our side. This aroused a new storm of enthusiasm. The battalion was ordered to enter the town immediately.
The number of delegates from the front increased day by day. They came for information on the position of affairs. They took our literature and went back to the front in order to: spread the news that the Petrograd Soviet was carrying on a struggle for the assumption of authority by the workers, soldiers, and peasants. “The trenches will support you,” they told us. The old army committees, on the other hand, which had not been re-elected for the last four or five months, were sending us threatening telegrams. But these frightened no one. We knew perfectly well that the committees were quite out of touch with the masses of the soldiers, as was the Central Executive Committee in regard to the local Soviets.
The Military Revolutionary Committee appointed Commissioners to all the railway stations. They kept all incoming and outgoing trains under close observation, and particularly watched all movements of troops. A continuous telephonic and motor connection was set up with all neighbouring towns and their garrisons. It was the duty of all the Soviets in agreement with the Petrograd Soviet to see to it that no counter revolutionary troops, or rather troops deceived by the Government, entered Petrograd. The lower ranks of the railway servants at the stations and railway workers gave ready recognition to our Commissioners.
On November 6th a difficulty arose at the Telephone Exchange. We were refused connection. The cadets had entrenched themselves at the Central Telephone Exchange, and under their protection the telephone girls came out in opposition to the Soviet. This was the first manifestation of the future sabotage of the officials and civil servants. The Military Revolutionary Committee sent a detachment to the Telephone Exchange and put two small guns at the entrance. So began thc seizure of the administrative offices. Sailors and Red Guards were stationed in small detachments at the Telegraph Office, at the Post Office, and other public offices, and measures were taken to gain possession of the State Bank. The Soviet Centre, the Smolny Institute, was converted into a fortress. In the attic there we still had, as a legacy from the Central Executive Committee, a score or so of machine guns, but they had been neglected, and the men in charge of them had lost all discipline. We summoned to the Smolny an additional machine-gun detachment, and early in the morning the soldiers were loudly wheeling their machine guns along the long stone Corridors of the Smolny Institute. Some Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, who, were still at the Institute, would now and then put their heads out of the doors with astonished or frightened faces. The Soviet and also the garrison held daily meetings at the Institute.
On the third floor, in a small corner room, the Military Revolutionary Committee was in permanent session. Hither flowed all information regarding the movements of troops, the frame of mind of soldiers and workers, the progress of propaganda in the barracks, the doings of the hooligans, the conferences held by the bourgeois politicians, life in the Winter Palace, and the intentions of the former Soviet parties. Our informants came from every quarter, and included workers, officers, house porters, Socialist cadets, servants, and fashionable ladies. Many brought only ridiculous nonsense; others, however, gave us very valuable information. The decisive moment was drawing near. It was clear that there could be no turning back.
On November 6th, in the evening, Kerensky came to the Provisional Parliament and demanded its approval of repressive measures against the Bolsheviks – but the Provisional Parliament was in a pitiful state of confusion and well-nigh dissolution. The Cadets were urging the Right Socialist Revolutionaries to accept a vote of confidence; the Right Socialist Revolutionaries were exerting pressure on the Centre; the Centre wavered; and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries were carrying on a policy of Parliamentary opposition. After a number of conferences, discussions and hesitations, the resolution of the Left wing was adopted, condemning the seditious movement of the Soviet, but placing the responsibility for this on the anti-democratic policy of the Government. At the same time, we were daily receiving by post letters informing us of the numberless death sentences passed on us, of infernal machines, of the imminent blowing up of the Smolny Institute, etc. The bourgeois Press was savage with hatred and fear. Gorki, completely forgetting his own Song of the Falcon, continued to prophesy in his paper, the Novaya Zhizn, the coming end of the world.
The members of the Military Revolutionary Committee had not left the Smolny Institute for the last week. They slept in snatches on sofas, constantly wakened by couriers, scouts, cyclists, telegraphists, and telephone bells. The most anxious night was that of November 6th-7th. We were informed from Pavlovsk by telephone that the Government was summoning the artillerists from there and the ensigns from the Peterhoff School. Kerensky had collected in the Winter Palace cadets, officers, and “shockers.” We ordered, by telephone, detachments of trustworthy military guards to bar all entrances to Petrograd and to send agitators to meet the detachments summoned by the Government. If they could not be kept back by reason, then arms were to be employed. All our conversations were carried on perfectly openly over the telephone, and were, therefore, accessible to the Government’s agents.
Our Commissioners informed us that our friends were keeping watch over all entrances to Petrograd. A portion of the Oranienbaum cadets did, however, get past our barriers in the night, and we followed up their further movements by telephone. We strengthened the outside guards of the Smolny by summoning another company. We maintained a continuous connection with all parts of the garrison. Squads on duty kept watch in all regiments. Delegates from every unit were constantly, day and night, at the disposal of the Military Revolutionary Committee. An order was issued to put down ruthlessly every Black Hundred agitation, to use arms at the first attempts at street pogroms, and to act, if necessary, without mercy. During this decisive night all the most important points in the city passed into our hands almost without resistance, without fighting, without victims. The State Bank was guarded by Government sentries and an armoured car. The building was surrounded from all sides by our detachments, the armoured car was seized unawares, and the Bank passed into the hands of the Military Revolutionary Committee without a single shot.
On the Neva, below the Franco-Russian Works, stood the cruiser Aurora undergoing repair. Her crew consisted entirely of sailors wholeheartedly devoted to the Revolution. When, at the end of August, Kornilov was threatening Petrograd, the sailors of the Aurora were summoned to protect the Winter Palace. And although they were already extremely hostile to Kerensky’s Government, they knew that their duty was to repel the attempt of the counterrevolutionaries, and they took up their positions without a word. When the danger passed, they were again pushed aside. Now, in these days of the November insurrection, they were too dangerous. The Ministry of the Marine gave orders to the Aurora to get under way and leave Petrograd waters. The crew immediately informed us of this fact. We countermanded the order, and the cruiser remained ready, at any moment, to use all her forces on behalf of the Soviet authority.
At the dawn of November 7th the men and women employed at the party’s printing works came to the Smolny and informed us that the Government had stopped our chief party paper and also the new organ of the Petrograd Soviet. The printing works had had their doors sealed up by some Government agents. The Military Revolutionary Committee at once countermanded the order, took both papers under its protection, and placed the high honour of protecting the freedom of the Socialist Press from counter-revolutionary attempts on the valiant Volhynian Regiment. After this, work was resumed and went on continuously at the printing office, and both papers came out at the appointed hour.
The Government was still in session in the Winter Palace, but it had already become a mere shadow of its former self. It had ceased to exist politically. In the course of November 7th the Winter Palace was gradually surrounded from all sides by our troops. At one o’clock in the afternoon, in the name of the Military Revolutionary Committee, I announced at the sitting of the Petrograd Soviet that Kerensky’s Government no longer existed, and that, pending the decision of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the Government authority would be assumed by the Military Revolutionary Committee.
Lenin had left Finland some days previously and was living in hiding in a working-class quarter in a suburb. On November 7th he came secretly to the Smolny. Judging by the newspapers, he had gained the impression that we were coming to a compromise with the Kerensky Government. The bourgeois Press had shrieked so much about the coming revolt, the march of armed soldiers in the streets, the pillage, and the inevitable rivers of blood, that it did not perceive the insurrection which, in reality, was now taking place, and accepted the negotiations between ourselves and the Military Staff at their face value. All this time, quietly, without any street fighting, without firing or bloodshed, one Government institution after another was being seized by highly disciplined detachments of soldiers, sailors, and Red Guards, in accordance with the exact telephone instructions emanating from the little room on the third floor of the Smolny Institute.
In the evening, the second All-Russian Congress of the Soviets held a preliminary meeting.
The report of the Central Executive Committee was submitted by Dan. He delivered an indictment against the rebels, the usurpers, and sedition-mongers, and tried to frighten the meeting by predicting the inevitable collapse of the insurrection, which in a day or two, he said, would be suppressed by troops from the front. His speech sounded exceedingly unconvincing and very much out of place in a hall in which the overwhelming majority of delegates were following with the greatest enthusiasm the victorious march of the Petrograd rising.
By this time the Winter Palace was surrounded, though not yet taken. From time to time shots were fired from the windows at the besiegers who were slowly and very carefully closing in upon the building. From the Peter and Paul Fortress a few shells were fired at the Palace, their distant sounds reaching the Smolny. Martoff, with impotent indignation, was speaking from the rostrum of civil war, and particularly of the siege of the Winter Palace where, among the other Ministers, there were – oh, horror of horrors! – members of the Menshevik Party. Two sailors, who had come to give news from the scenes of struggle, took the platform against him. They reminded our accusers of the July offensive, of the whole perfidious policy of the old Government, of the re-establishment of the death penalty for soldiers, of the arrests, of the sacking of revolutionary organizations, and vowed that they would either conquer or die. They it was who brought us the news of the first victims on our side on the Palace Square.
Every one rose as though moved by some invisible signal, and with a unanimity which is only provoked by a deep moral intensity of feeling sung a Funeral March. He who lived through this moment will never forget it. The meeting came to an abrupt end. It was impossible to sit there, calmly discussing the theoretical question as to the method of constructing the Government, with the echo reaching our ears of the fighting and firing at the walls of the Winter Palace, where, as a matter of fact, the fate of this very Government was already being decided.
The taking of the Palace, however, was a protracted business, and this caused some wavering amongst the less determined elements of the Congress. The Right wing, through its spokesmen, prophesied our early doom. All were waiting anxiously for news from the Winter Palace. After some time, Antonoff, who, had been directing the operations, arrived. At once there was dead silence in the hail. The Winter Palace had been taken. Kerensky had taken flight. The other Ministers had been arrested and conveyed to the Peter and Paul Fortress. The first chapter of the November Revolution was at an end.
The Right Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, numbering altogether about sixty persons, that is, about one-tenth of the Congress, left the meeting under protest. As they could do nothing else, they “threw the whole responsibility” for whatever might now happen on the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. The latter were still wavering. Their past bound them closely to Tchernov’s party. The Right wing of this party had now shifted entirely towards the lower middle class and their intellectuals, to the well-to-do peasants in the villages; in all, decisive questions it was marching hand in hand with the Liberal bourgeoisie against us. The more revolutionary elements of the party, reflecting the Radicalism of the social aspirations of the poorest peasantry, gravitated to the proletariat and its party. They were afraid, however, to cut the umbilical cord which bound them with the old party. When we were about to leave the Provisional Parliament, they refused to follow us and warned us against “adventures.” But the insurrection forced them to choose either for or against the Soviet. Not without hesitation, they were concentrating their forces on the same side of the barricade where we stood.

industry_corpus2: Politics & Administration


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Access cash with a fixed home equity loan or line of credit at a great low interest rate.
Secured by the equity in your home, home equity loans and lines of a credit are one of your most affordable and flexible options for borrowing. Use the money for anything you need, including home improvements, an emergency fund, a vacation, back to school expenses, college tuition, or to consolidate your bills. Getting ready to retire? Prep your budget by consolidating your monthly payments via a home equity loan.
For additional information about KALSEE’s home equity loan options or to apply, please visit any KALSEE office or call 877.KAL.SEE1.
Line of Credit vs. Fixed?
Remodeling, education, emergency fund, etc.
Remodeling, debt consolidation, retirement prep, vehicle purchase, etc.
*APR = Annual Percentage Rate. Rates are the lowest rate available. Your rate may be higher based on your credit history, term, lien position, and collateral. No down payment is required to obtain the stated rates, when the loan to value ratio is below 90%. To apply for a loan or receive additional information, please contact us at 269.382.7800. Programs, rates, terms and conditions are subject to change without notice. As low as rate includes Perks discounts: VIP = 0.50% APR, Platinum = 0.25% APR. Perks discounts will not be reflected on your contract. The discount will be applied as a credit to your loan balance each month that you maintain VIP or Platinum Perks status.
**APR – Annual Percentage Rate. A Home Equity Line of Credit is a variable-rate loan. Your rate will depend on your term, credit score and loan-to-value ratio. This product has a variable-rate that is based on the market rates (prime plus margin). Your margin will be between 0.00% and 1.00% APR. Your overall rate will never fall below prime, nor will it exceed 15.00% APR. Lines of credit are not eligible for Perks discounts.
***APR = Annual Percentage Rate. Introductory APR is 0.00% thru 12/31/19. After the intro APR expires, balance will be subject to the regular rate disclosed at the time of your closing, determined by your creditworthiness. Verification of income may be required. Property insurance required. Max loan amount is determined by the equity in your home, based on appraised value. The APR is based on an index, the Prime Rate per the Wall Street Journal, and is current as of 4/1/19 and could change at any time. To determine your APR, a margin will be added to your current index rate. In no event will the regular APR be less than the Prime Rate or more than 15.00% or the max rate allowed by applicable law. The minimum monthly payment may change as a result of rate changes. Please see branch for details. Membership eligibility guidelines apply.

industry_corpus2: Finance & Economics


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Nominate Your Favorite Caregiver for the Big Heart Award!
It's Time Again to Recognize Your Favorite Caregiver for Coastal Home Care's Prestigious Big Heart Award!
Coastal Home Care’s Big Heart Award is presented each quarter to a direct care employee who demonstrates Consistency, Dependability and Heart with exceptional dedication and service to their clients.
Check out some of our previous winners, and then nominate your own!
Coastal Home Care participated in a DD Provider Fair at the Mall of Waycross on Friday, August 23. It was tons of fun, and we met lots of new people!
Developmental Disabilities Professional Ametria Everett with Katie Strickland, LPN, Waycross Manager Carmen Ferrell, and Regional Manager Scott Maslin.
Guest author Elaine Fox of YogaMoves talked to us about the benefits of yoga for older people. Try one of her classes at Rivers' Edge on Waters Avenue,Tuesdays at 3:45 PM.
Jesse Petrea for a Better Georgia!
If you are interested in long-term care and community-based services, then Jesse Petrea is the man to represent you in the Georgia State House of Representatives. Please "Like" Jesse's Facebook page and spread the word!
Coastal Home Care’s Jamie Smith selected as the Bob 106.9FM & Enmark “Hero of the Week”!
Coastal Home Care's Jamie Smith selected as the Bob 106.9FM & Enmark “Hero of the Week”!
Way to go Jamie! We are proud of you!!

industry_corpus2: Health & Medicine


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Our customers in Costa Rica through the “polycarbonate hollow sheet” google search to find our products. In the initial mailing with our customers in Costa Rica, we understand that the customer needs to build a sunshine shed, the sheet is used in the outdoor canopy.
Yuemei used the high quality good polycarbonated sheet, so as to achieve the beautiful effect of the building.Customers selected 8mm blue pc hollow sheet, quantity: 7745 square.

industry_corpus2: Manufacturing


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Are you protected from malware?
We are always happy to show prospective pupils and parents around the school. Please call to arrange an appointment.

industry_corpus2: Subject Education


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This contest is aimed at hobby photographers and outdoor enthusiasts. Photographs must have been taken by amateur photographers and cannot have been previously used for any promotional or commercial purposes.
Step 1: Photo submissions take place from October 15th through December 31, 2007.
Step 2: Submitted photos will be reviewed by 5 esteemed judges on January 5th.
Step 3: Photos that make the cut will be posted for online voting between January 6th through the 13th (only ONE week of voting this year).
Step 4: Photo of the Year 2007 will be chosen and revealed at the party on January 19th!
We mix these up a bit each year. One new addition for POTY 2007 is Water. As usual, the winner of the Top 100 category will be crowned Photo of the Year 2007.
Top 100: Dramatic vistas, stunning flora and fauna, an artful picture of a door…you name it. Top 100 photos can be of just about anything (anything fit for family consumption, that is). As the name implies, 100 photos will compete against each other for the honored title of Photo of the Year 2007.
Water: This one is new for POTY 2007. Water is all around us. It flows. It freezes. It quenches. Shower us in your best and favorite shots of H2O.
Adrenaline: Sponsored by UberplexMax Energy Drink! Just kidding. We made that up. For real, this year we’re looking for your best photos that speak the word “adrenaline.” What makes your adrenaline flow? Be creative.
Faces: Who can forget Goat Boy from POTY 2005? Let’s see your best up close and personal photos. Good luck beating Goat Boy’s cuteness, though.

industry_corpus2: Travel & Geography


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Kaweah Fly Fishers have five outings that are held on an annual basis.
1. The trip to Bishop, usually held on President’s Day Weekend, mid February.
2. The Kaweah Crawl hosted by Mark Cave. The destination for the Kaweah Crawl is small streams in Sequoia National Park and and the Sequoia National Forest and is usually held in the first half of May depending on run off.
3. Kelsey Bass Ranch Memorial Weekend, late May. Float tubes or wade the shore for big bass followed by a terrific dinner put on by the club.
4. The Kings River Classic held on the Kings River at Boyden Cave and points upstream. This outing is characterized by a very non competitive fishing contest capped off by a really great dinner at Convict Flat Campground.
5. The striper and bass outing is held the day after Thanksgiving at O’Neill Forebay.

industry_corpus2: Agriculture & Fisheries


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Food, solid, plastic products, medical supplies, stationery, hardware accessories, biscuit,bread,mooncake and other kinds of daily necessities cartons or pallets packing regular objects.
2.Digital screen, full CNC adjustment, convenient and flexible operation.
4.Fault self-diagnosis function, clear failure display, Positioned stop function, without sticking knife or wasting film.
A5: Usually we produce within 7-15days after the payment confirmed. It is also depend on the machine itself, if you place order with us, and need to customize the machine as your requirement, the producing time is longer.
Good Feedback Widely Application Soap Flow Packaging Machinery Granola Bar Candy Pillow Packing Machine is the use of rice flour, flour and other kinds of grain flour as raw materials to add some vitamins, trace elements and other high-nutrition ingredients mixed uniformly after extrusion curing and then for nutrition to strengthen the rice, after drying, shape, appearance taste edible method and natural The rice is consistent and supplements the lack of nutrients in natural rice. can also customize special rice with different functions according to different groups of people. Jinan Joysun Machinery Co., Ltd. has single screw rice extruder and twin screw extruder.
can be freely matched according to the requirements! Good Feedback Widely Application Soap Flow Packaging Machinery Granola Bar Candy Pillow Packing Machine technology is a breakthrough in the recycling of grain using the principle of extrusion. The most important feature of technology is the addition of various nutrients essential to the human body to food, producing a variety of health foods, curative foods and functional foods. The products are easy to eat and easy to use. Digestion and absorption, welcomed by consumers. Artificial rice alias nutrition rice, gold rice.


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Critical injuries must be reported immediately to HSEWB following notification of EMS (911) and Security Services (416-736-5333 or ext. 33333). Access the Critical Injury definition.
Accidents, hazards or occupational illnesses or injuries must be reported to your Management Supervisor, who will then report it to HSEWB. Additional information including the Accident Investigation Program is available using yu link - the employee portal.
A completed Medical Absence/Accommodation Certificate (MAAC) must be provided to the Employee Well-being Office to clarify abilities, restrictions, limitations and duration of absence. Policies, procedures, and forms pertaining to non-occupational absence, leave, and accommodation can be found on yu link - the employee portal.
Report any incidents of workplace violence or harassment that you have experienced or witnessed to your Management Supervisor, who will then report it to HSEWB. York University’s Workplace Violence Prevention Program and other resources can be accessed on yu link - the employee portal.
For all other incident types, concerns or if you are not sure, please use our contact information to get in touch with our office.

industry_corpus2: Others


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Dry Hitch Weight 440 lbs.
Unloaded Vehicle Weight 3319 lbs.
Cargo Carrying Capacity 1521 lbs.

industry_corpus2: Transportation


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Arrest Dr. Deborra Kim Zaiser for the 211-911 WPAHS murder of Rita Joanne Conley via fabricated diagnosis (2/01/11-9/10/11).
Ed McWhirter started this petition to Stephen A. Zappala Jr., District Attorney Of Allegheny County Pa.
Hundreds of thousands of Americans with free health care are murdered every year for organs/bad insurance, by a variation of Rita's murder per medical records at pittbird.com..
Stephen A. Zappala Jr., District Attorney Of Allegheny County Pa.: Arrest Dr. Deborra Kim Zaiser for the 211-911 WPAHS murder of Rita Joanne Conley via fabricated diagnosis (2/01/11-9/10/11).
Ed McWhirter needs your help with “Stephen A. Zappala Jr., District Attorney Of Allegheny County Pa.: Arrest Dr. Deborra Kim Zaiser for the 211-911 WPAHS murder of Rita Joanne Conley via fabricated diagnosis (2/01/11-9/10/11).”. Join Ed and 0 supporters today.


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Day by day, fashion is becoming popular throughout the world. There are so many things which come under the umbrella of fashion, including, fashionable accessories, dresses, clutches, watches, hats, etc. But, dresses have always been the most important part of fashion.
A dress is considered as a symbol of one’s status. It reflects not only the status of an individual, but the status of their family too. In fact, dress also defines the society background. An individual wearing quality dress always considered that they belong to high-profile society.
As of now, one has a large number of sources, where an individual can purchase different kinds of dresses as per their choice, including, online shopping sites and offline shops. But, today’s generation like to prefer online shopping portals in order to purchase the clothes as per their choices and budget.
In other words, purchasing products online is as popular as fashion in today’s time. In fact, it has a large number of benefits over offline shopping. At the present time, time is very precious for anyone. Sometimes, we say “time is money”. It is true because money can be earned back, but we can’t earn time at any cost.
Online shopping is one of the most advantageous options for purchasing the latest products without wasting much time. A person can easily buy any product as per their choices and requirement by sitting at home. An individual can place an order anytime from anywhere, as it offers 24×7 services to the consumers.
Shopping portals provide a large number of varieties to the consumers. One can easily replace the order if they find defective product. Online shopping provides the best option for cashless shopping to the customers. Thus, online shopping is much better than traditional shopping for the consumers in such a busy schedule.
But, it is true that there is no shortage of fraud portals among various shopping websites. Each day, a large number of consumers become the victim of fake sites by purchasing low-quality product at original prices. I personally feel very bad for all those targeted consumers.
But, it doesn’t mean that all the websites are frauds. There are also genuine websites, which provide a great collection of quality products at nominal cost. The main thing is nothing, but finding out genuine and cheap online shopping sites.
Emazing Fashion: Literally has something for EVERYONE! They always have the latest trends and accessories and offer you a promo code each and every time! Most anything you’ve seen trending on instagram or snapchat, they are where you can find what you’re looking for! CLICK HERE & Subscribe to their YOUTUBE channel to be entered into their HUGE giveaways and secret PROMO CODES! Obsessed!
Lehenga: This is also one of the major clothes, which generally preferred by most of the girls in the wedding and work efficiently in order to enhance one’s personality.
Salwar Suit: The Salwaar Suit is an ethnic wear, which is preferred by most of the women and girls on special occasion.
Legging: Legging is one of the trendy wear in today’s time. In fact, women prefer legging more as compared to previous time.
Kurti: Kurti is the most attractive dress which can be worn with Salwar, Leggings and Jeans. Latest Kurti plays an essential role in order to improve the personality of an individual.
In fact, all the dresses play essential role in order to improve the personality of the person. It is also true that there are also a large number of men, women and kids dresses, which work effectively in order to enhance the personality of an individual. But, for looking beautiful and stunning with a quality dress, one has to find the quality and affordable online shopping websites.


text: 3mm PVC Sign Blanks all have a 1/4" tolerance to the size ordered. If a tighter tolerance is required, please see the options. Other sizes and custom shapes are available. Contact us for details!


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When it comes beautifying and maintaining their homes, most people tend to think of and work on their home’s interiors. They spend time and money on meticulously decorating and furnishing the interior of their homes until they’re happy and satisfied. In doing so, many of them tend to forget about their home’s exteriors and overall curb appeal. Needless to say, your home’s interiors are just as important as its interiors. But how exactly does improving your home’s curb appeal help you and your home?
First impressions are critical, especially when it comes to buying a house. When potential buyers are looking at a home, there are very few options for the seller to make an impression. For the most part, the buyer’s first impression of a property is formed when they see photos of the house on a seller’s website, social media platform, or a real estate app. It can also happen when they unintentionally drive by your property. Regardless of how it takes place, making a good first impression is key to creating interest and convincing potential buyers.
Needless to say, improving your house’s curb appeal and exteriors can help to increase its market value. When potential buyers see how great your house looks, they are less likely to haggle with the price. They understand that beautiful homes come with a price, and will not think twice about making the purchase if it’s within their budget. That said, your home’s curb appeal is an important asset and one that should be taken-cared of. That is possible through renovations or by keeping it in good condition with the help of residential property maintenance services.
These are just two of the many reasons why curb appeal is important for residential properties. This becomes even more important for those who are planning to put their home up for sale. But even if you have no intention of selling your house any time soon, you should still take a proactive stance and make sure that your home’s curb appeal is always at its best. This is where companies offering property maintenance in Sydney can help.
If you are looking for a company who can help you with maintaining your residential property and keeping it beautiful and structurally sound, please don’t hesitate to get in touch with us. You can call us up at 0421 673 886 or leave a message in our contact page. You can also send as an email for any questions you may have regarding our services.

industry_corpus2: Real Estate & Construction


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The Department is the graduating one in the speciality 192 "Construction and civil engineering" ( specialization«Industrial and civil engineering»).
The department fulfills the preparation of specialsits on the first (bachelor), the second (master), the third (educational-research) levels of training.
The department comprises three academicians and eight associate fellows of Ukrainian Construction Academy.
Computer classes(аud. 630 and 667).
The department has its affiliated institution on production.


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Preliminary design plan for a Self-Propelled Floating Dry Dock. Comdr. D.C. Webb of the Civil Engineer Corps, a Naval War College student, proposed a self-deploying dry dock to support "overseas naval campaigns" in a letter dated 5 March 1920 to the War College President. The College President in turn forwarded the letter to the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations (OpNav), endorsing its importance. OpNav invited recommendations from the material bureaus, resulting in this drawing, sent by the Chief, Bureau of Construction and Repair on 12 October 1920 to the CNO. The concept was not pursued.
This plan provided a docking space 115 feet wide, electric drive machinery, and a speed of 10 knots in a vessel 1,050 feet long on the waterline, 175 feet in beam on the waterline, and with a normal, unloaded displacement of about 53,700 tons.


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In this UberEats promo code for Granby Colorado, we’re going to walk you through the in’s and outs of the UberEats mobile app, and give you a promo code so you can get your first order at a discounted price.
For first time users to save money on their order, your UberEATS promo code for Granby Colorado or coupon must already be applied when checking out. We can’t stress this step enough.
Below we have outlined the steps to apply your UberEATS promo code for Granby Colorado. Please follow the steps as closely as possible. Depending on what version of the application you have, they may vary.
If you are using an older version of the UberEATS app and would still like to apply a UberEATS promo code for Granby Colorado, follow these instructions.
There’s no secrets here and Uber has made it incredibly easy for it’s users to take advantage of the UberEATS referral program. In addition, when new users sign up not only do you receive free promotional credits but they also do as well. Giving out your UberEATS promo code for Granby Colorado or link can be a great way for everyone to rack up free food on Uber.
It’s no question that Uber is a great company and UberEATS is just as great. With the ability to send out your UberEATS promo code for Granby Colorado to earn free meals, this platform has won our hearts over with a referral structure that keeps us all eating for free. No one knows when these programs will stop or cease to exist so head over today, download the app on your smartphone, and start using the UberEATS promo code EATSYUM3 today for a free delivery!

industry_corpus2: Hospitality & Catering


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GLOBAL SOLUTION is complete solution for Electronic products EPR registration authorization under one roof issuance of EPR authorization, Collection of e-waste dismantling & recycling. The service of EPR registration Jhargram.
Global solution provides complete solution for registration, collection e-waste pan India based, dismantling & recycling. we provide services for dismantling & recycling environmentally sound management of such kind of e-waste. The service provides by Global solution from Jhargram.
Global solution with Pan India based service provider for producers, imports, manufacturer, consumer or bulk consumer to collect e-waste dismantling & recycling from dismantler & recycler according situations from Jhargram.

industry_corpus2: Computing & Telecommunications


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Provides state-of-the-art coverage for the researcher confronted with designing and executing a simulation study using continuous multivariate distributions. Concise writing style makes the book accessible to a wide audience. Well-known multivariate distributions are described, emphasizing a few representative cases from each distribution. Coverage includes Pearson Types II and VII elliptically contoured distributions, Khintchine distributions, and the unifying class for the Burr, Pareto, and logistic distributions. Extensively illustrated--the figures are unique, attractive, and reveal very nicely what distributions ``look like.'' Contains an extensive and up-to-date bibliography culled from journals in statistics, operations research, mathematics, and computer science.
Mark E. Johnson is the author of Multivariate Statistical Simulation: A Guide to Selecting and Generating Continuous Multivariate Distributions, published by Wiley.
Univariate Distributions and Their Generation.
Multivariate Normal and Related Distributions.
Circular, Spherical and Related Distributions.

industry_corpus2: Math & Statistics


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One month ago, Full Tilt Poker, the world’s second largest online poker site, held the 17th cycle of its popular Full Tilt Online Poker Series (FTOPS). If you missed out on any of the FTOPS XVII action or just want a chance to do it all over again, head to Full Tilt this week for the start of MiniFTOPS XVII. The tournament series begins on Wednesday, September 8th and features the same slate of events as FTOPS XVII, but with buy-ins that are one-tenth as large.
Don’t be fooled, though. MiniFTOPS XVII will still feature $6 million in guaranteed prize money. Plus, its Main Event is shaping up to be quite a spectacle. The $75 buy-in No Limit Hold’em tournament will take place on Sunday, September 19th and post a $1 million guaranteed prize pool. Last time this tournament ran, 14,396 players turned out and “RioMata” banked $124,000 for the win following a three-way chop. Nearly 1,900 players made the money.
A MiniFTOPS XVII leaderboard contest will also be held and its winner will take home a buy-in to every single FTOPS XVIII event except for the Two-Day tournament. The prize has a value of around $10,000 and FTOPS XVIII will likely occur before the end of 2010.
To sign up for any MiniFTOPS XVII tournament, head to Full Tilt. Remember, the site happily accepts players from the United States.

industry_corpus2: Gaming


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A significant way to demonstrate your company's commitment to the aviation industry is by becoming a sponsor of this event. By doing so, you will be expressing your company's dedication to promoting excellence through education.
Unlike the visitors at trade shows and exhibitions, conference delegates are qualified decision makers with proven budget control. You’ll be meeting and doing business with select groups who have chosen to invest their money and, more importantly, their time to address the specific challenges in the agenda. They want to buy.
We’re guaranteeing that you’ll be making contacts with decision makers and influencers responsible for purchasing decisions. Our delegates are people who have come looking for solutions, and sponsoring puts you on a platform to demonstrate your expertise and win their business.
Numerous categories and levels of sponsorships are available this year. Aside from the traditional sponsorships of conference events, there are also opportunities to get your company's logo on badges and to sponsor the conference Web site. Co-Sponsorships are also available for all categories.

industry_corpus2: Aerospace


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Kolhapur has a domestic Airport at Ujlaiwadi which is connected to Mumbai International airport. Airport is located at a distance of 13 km from heart of the Kolhapur city. Cab charges about Rs 300 from airport to the city. Mumbai International airport is the major airport nearby, which is at a distance of nearly 400 km.
The Kolhapur railway station, Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj Terminus, is connected with many cities in India including Mumbai, Pune, Bangalore and Ahmedabad. Direct trains are available from Kolhapur to Delhi.
Kolhapur is well connected by state owned public transport buses. Deluxe luxury buses are available from major cities like Mumbai (400 km) and Pune (225 km) to Kolhapur. Tourist buses charge about Rs 3 - Rs 4 per km.


text: Details: Personalization is included and All blankets are packaged like candy in butterscotch foil paper tied with bronze tulle ribbon on the ends. Made in USA. Note: Circle color is actually the Circle Background Color. Also, the font will be lowercase. Returns are not accepted for this item.


text: Thank you for this fantastic report, Bjorn. I can only imagine what a genuine experience it must have been. Well done on building a nice watch.


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At the Plenary Session on Global Knowledge and Local Culture of the International Conference Global Knowledge 97, Ms. Hugette Labelle, recent past President of CIDA, referred to local cultures as alternative information-banks. Ms. Labelle stated that "...indigenous peoples embody knowledge, even wisdom, that we may have lost, or never had. Their loss would impoverish us for, just as the world needs genetic diversity of species, it needs diversity of knowledge systems..."
Underpinning this statement are a broad range of national and international policies, conventions, laws and agreements which require that traditional knowledge systems be respected and applied, where appropriate in development planning.
CIDA's Policy Branch, through the Environmental Assessment and Compliance Unit, will be finalising in the 1999-00 fiscal year a CIDA handbook on the integration of traditional knowledge systems into environmental assessments and development projects. The target audiences are CIDA project and programme officers and CIDA's executing agencies and development partners. Through successful application of the guidance provided in the handbook, beneficiaries will also include indigenous peoples and their communities. The document is drafted in such a way so that clear results and outcomes of using TKS in CIDA project design and implementation can be identified. As well, this unit is also collaborating with the World Bank's Indigenous Knowledge for Development Initiative in creating a set of 4 guidelines (in one document) that can be used by NGO's, Indigenous Peoples government departments and private industry when a project involves the knowledge systems of traditional and indigenous peoples. This document will be generic in nature so that is can be used and modified according to local situations.
In the body of published and grey literature there is very limited direct operational information on how a project officer in various stakeholder groups can successfully incorporate indigenous knowledge into project design or environmental assessments. In this context traditional knowledge includes knowledge systems, values, cultural attributes and beliefs, and is not focused just on "biological" knowledge. As well, these knowledge systems are not limited to the Canadian perspective of indigenous knowledge (i.e. Inuit, Metis, First Nation). Much of Islamic, Hindu or Buddhist science and knowledge systems could be considered "traditional" or "indigenous". Consideration of the value and relevance of the TKS results in project goals and objectives that may be more in tune with the cultural underpinnings of the project beneficiaries. Countless examples in published and unpublished literature demonstrate how indigenous knowledge can be applied to the development agenda.
The Centre for Intercultural Learning, Canadian Foreign Service Institute has calculated that the "cost" of an unsuccessful private sector expatriate on a 2-3 year assignment can be $1.4 million (e.g. lost profits, failed deals, bad public relations). The principle reason for this is due to cultural insensitivity or an inability to cope in a different culture. Approximately 50% of private sector expatriates are not fully effective in their position because of these cultural issues. As well, up to 80% of private sector joint ventures are not successful due to cultural sensitivities.
Indigenous peoples are not saying that their communities are not interested in participating in the development process, or in sharing their knowledge with scientists, development planners, and the global community. They are saying that there must be respect for the cultural values of the knowledge and that their rights to maintain these values must be acknowledged and protected in the development process. Indigenous peoples also recognise that the western and indigenous knowledge systems can complement each other with respect to providing appropriate goods and services that an indigenous community has defined for itself. The key problem for indigenous communities has been their lack of control of how the knowledge is accessed and used outside of the community.
Rather than being an analytical or descriptive discussion of this topic, the CIDA handbook and CIDA-World Bank Guidelines provide practical guidance on how indigenous knowledge can be better incorporated into project development and environmental assessments.


text: Jongryn Mo is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is also a professor of international political economy at the Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei University. Before taking that position at Yonsei, he was an assistant professor of government at the University of Texas at Austin. Mo holds a BA in economics from Cornell University, an MS in social sciences from the California Institute of Technology, and a PhD in business from Stanford University.


text: Foldable board made from the soft, cream coloured wood of hale tree. Shells or seeds additional, as per choice. This ancient game was invented as a take on sowing and reaping – an integral part of life in the times. This game board is made of MDF and comes with a bag of shells.


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Induction heating has been used for various purposes from production technology such as quenching and shrink fitting through to the design of home appliances as in Induction cooking system. Induction heating is the technology based on the eddy current, and it becomes a key issue for design to control the eddy current accurately.
However, since the eddy current depends on factors such as geometry, material characteristics, frequency, and temperature, its behaviour is complicated. Such complicity makes it difficult to appropriately control the quantity and location of eddy current. Designers have to correctly reproduce and visualize the induction-heating phenomenon that changes intricately, and realizes the optimal design for various purposes using induction heating.
POWERSYS proposes software, consulting and training solutions, in the field of Inducting Heating and Multiphysics.


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"The clock is still in the custody of the police," freshman tinkerer said.
The 14-year-old Texas freshman who was arrested and suspended from school for three days for bringing his homemade digital clock to school said Thursday that he wants it back.
"The clock is still in the custody of the police. I want it back with my humility," Ahmed Mohamed said on Good Morning America.
The boy, who tinkers with electronics at home, was handcuffed at MacArthur High in Irving on Monday and led away to the station where he said he was interrogated for an hour and not allowed to speak to his parents. "I repeatedly told them it was a clock," he said. The clock he made—contained inside a metal case—arose suspicions, ultimately leading to his arrest.
"I brought the clock to impress my teachers," he said.
News of the boy's arrest went viral after it was first reported by the Dallas Morning News.
Irving Police Chief Larry Boyd said Wednesday it was a "very suspicious device."
"We live in an age where you can't take things like that to school," the chief told a news conference.
Teen's digital clock that led to his arrest at high school.
Boyd, however, said there would be no charges and that the case was "closed."
The boy has garnered a ton of support, and even shout-outs from Google, Mark Zuckerberg, Hillary Clinton, MIT, and President Barack Obama.
He told MSNBC that he was being treated like a "terrorist." The boy's father said his son was picked on because he is Muslim.

industry_corpus2: Technology & Research


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After a quick sign up, students answer 72 simple questions relating to work which normally takes less than 10 minutes.
The student is then shown their Career Profile. This includes information on their most suitable career interests, work styles and work places. This helps them appreciate how their unique make-up can fit into the world of employment.
The student's unique profile is analysed against more than 600 careers and the closest matches are highlighted for further investigation. They can be 'favourited' by the student or replaced with closer matches. Any qualification discrepancies are shown and students may change the highest level of qualification they expect. This illustrates to students how important their school qualifications are in achieving their goals and career aspirations.
Extensive careers information including entry routes, video case-studies and salary are provided for each career.
In this section, students receive guidance on the best GCSE choices for them based on both their interest profile and their suggested or favourited career areas.
Whether it's further or higher education at college or university, an apprenticeship or employment - students can view all their options at 18. The suggestions are calculated from the student's career profile.
As with careers, subject suggestions link through to extensive background information.
A powerful search engine allows students to pinpoint appropriate courses from across the UK, as well as the Republic of Ireland and courses taught in English in Europe.
The planner keeps track of all the student's selections - making sure the selections and qualifications are consistent.
If the school provide individual interviews there is provision to record and share the findings and action points. The student may also keep career and educational related notes in the appropriate section.
Our team of fully trained and experienced careers advisers are on hand to offer advice and support.
A comprehensive pdf report can be downloaded for each student highlighting their results, interpretation, suggestions, favourited careers, subjects and courses.
Morrisby prides itself on the support it offers advisers and careers coordinators. Advisers can monitor their student's progress, check selections, email students and download reports.
A dedicated support phone line, our own inhouse careers information team and our software development team means we are on hand to respond to enquiries quickly and effectively.
* Licences cover a single site. Multi-site schools need to purchase a licence for each distinct location. Specialist schools with a small cohort should enquire about our small school pricing.


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For a few perfect moments, she was my everything, but she was snatched away. Devastated doesn’t begin to describe my pain.
Lost and broken, I turned to the one place that promised wholeness. In the years since, I’ve become an expert at handling grief, loss, and longing, and I help others find the redemption and peace I so desperately need.
In the most unlikely place, she appears like an angel. In her eyes, my soul is healed. In her arms, the belonging I chased for years is finally mine. The emotions I thought long dead, are reborn by her touch.
She becomes my church, her voice my choir, her love my mercy, her kiss my sacrament. My altar is her body and I worship devoutly.
What we’ve done, what we will do, is wrong, but when she’s near, the rules are redefined. I’m not free to love her, but my heart says otherwise. I lost her once, but this time, I’ll do anything to keep her.

industry_corpus2: Literature & Emotions


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The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) today announced it is considering changes to the implementation timeline for the annual capital-adequacy stress tests required by section 165(i)(2) of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. The changes under consideration would delay implementation until September 2013 for covered institutions with total consolidated assets between $10 billion and $50 billion.
Under a proposed rule approved by the FDIC Board of Directors on January 17, 2012, financial institutions with more than $10 billion in assets would have to conduct annual capital-adequacy stress tests. As proposed, the stress testing requirements would become effective immediately upon the issuance of a final rule. The proposed rule is still under consideration at this time.
The FDIC received a number of comments on the proposed rule, including on the immediate effective date of the testing. In response to the concerns, the FDIC is considering delaying the effective date of the rule to conduct the annual stress tests for institutions between $10 and $50 billion in assets. Specifically, the FDIC is considering a timeline under which covered institutions with assets from $10 to $50 billion would be required to conduct initial stress tests in accordance with the rule in late 2013. The delay would help ensure that all covered institutions have sufficient time to develop sound stress testing programs.
As part of efforts among the federal banking agencies to coordinate the implementation of Dodd-Frank stress test requirements, the FDIC has consulted on this proposed implementation delay with the Federal Reserve Board (Board) and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC). The Board and OCC are considering similar changes to timelines included in their proposed rules implementing Dodd-Frank stress test requirements.
The final implementation timeline for all covered institutions will be specified in the final rule.