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The question of whether voters should be required to present an acceptable form of identification (ID) when casting a ballot at a federal election has persisted, notwithstanding quite exhaustive debate and deliberation in numerous forums.
discourage attempts by a voter to vote more than once.
In 2001, in its report User friendly, not abuser friendly: Report of the inquiry into the integrity of the electoral roll, the Joint Standing Committee of Electoral Matters (JSCEM) concluded that that the introduction of voter identification was not warranted as a measure to deter fraud.
But while some consider that the level of alleged electoral fraud is minuscule, others have a much more pessimistic view.
The report of the JSCEM Inquiry into the conduct of the 2001 Federal election addressed proof-of-identity requirements, but focussed on initial enrolment or re-enrolment, not the requirement to produce ID in the normal course of casting a ballot at a polling booth. The Committee recommended ‘that people making a first-time enrolment, those seeking re-enrolment, and those transferring their enrolment details, first be required to provide proof of identity and address, via a driver’s licence or similar’.
But evidence to that same JSCEM inquiry highlighted problems with the ready availability of ID among people who are extremely disadvantaged or living in Indigenous communities. Others argued that the alleged difficulties of producing ID are over stated, citing the numbers that attend large sports clubs or present ID to access video stores.
Australians have a history of resistance to the adoption of any kind of universal ID card that can be legally required to be shown in order to access government services or to confirm one’s identity. The arguments against such a card are broadly couched in terms of personal privacy and an aversion to a ‘surveillance state’.
The question of whether voters should be required to present an acceptable form of identification (ID) when casting a ballot at a federal election has persisted, notwithstanding quite exhaustive debate and deliberation in numerous forums. In particular, the issue has been raised at many hearings of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters (JSCEM) and was formally addressed by that Committee in its report User friendly, not abuser friendly: Report of the inquiry into the integrity of the electoral roll in 2001.
The report did not recommend the introduction of voter ID at polling places, although it did recommend that the gender and date of birth of electors be included on the Certified Lists of Voters for elections.
possible delays in the delivery of election results because of an increase in the level of declaration voting.
JSCEM concluded that ‘the introduction of voter identification is not warranted as a measure to deter fraud’. During the inquiry, the then Liberal Party director, Lynton Crosby, said that within the Party there were ‘mixed views about the extent to which you should have voter ID on polling day. But there is unanimity within our party on the issue of enrolment, because that is the starting point’. In 2002, the ACT Liberal Party proposed that voters be forced to show identification at polling booths. Various Liberal Party MPs and branches had been pushing for compulsory voter ID for several years.
The report of the JSCEM Inquiry into the conduct of the 2001 Federal election—initiated by the Special Minister of State, Senator Eric Abetz—also addressed proof of identity requirements, but focused on initial enrolment or re-enrolment, not the requirement to produce ID in the normal course of casting a ballot at a polling booth. The Committee recommended ‘that people making a first-time enrolment, those seeking re-enrolment, and those transferring their enrolment details, first be required to provide proof of identity and address, via a driver’s licence or similar’. JSCEM also recommended that ‘similar proof of identity and address requirements be applied to voters making a provisional vote’.
They all have to produce ID, and they have no problem with that. Frankly I think it is insulting and patronising to socially disadvantaged people to say that they are not capable of producing identification.
To enrol as a voter now you fill in a form from a post office or online, either as yourself or any number of phantoms allegedly living at your or a mythical address... Later, when votes are counted, no one knows if they come from a real or a non-existent person voting once or multiple times. … [It] doesn't take ‘organised conspiracy’ to change a result. A handful of votes will do, as evidenced in the last election.
The most obvious and simplest step to stem any ‘irregularities’—a euphemism beloved of the AEC—is to require that ID be shown before voting. … This, along with an electronic roll, which allows a name to be erased from all rolls once a person has voted, should be front-and-centre for the AEC. … First things first.
This Research Paper surveys the arguments and numerous parliamentary inquiries that have addressed the question of the integrity of Australia’s electoral system and in particular whether a voter ID scheme is necessary to ensure its efficacy.
Under the existing Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 it is compulsory for Australian citizens aged 18 years or older, and who have lived at the same address for a month, to register their name and address on the electoral roll. Enrolment can be made online or by completing a form available from the Australian Electoral Commission.
To enrol, citizens need to provide evidence of identity: a driver's licence, Australian passport number or have someone who is already on the roll to confirm the enrolee’s identity.
While it is commonly understood that voting is compulsory for Australian citizens, in practice you are required only to present yourself at a voting booth and have your name marked off the roll. Because casting a ballot is done in secret, it is impossible to tell in a particular case whether a valid vote has actually been cast. A voter may have deposited a blank ballot paper in the box, for example.
You are issued a declaration vote if your name and/or address details cannot be found on the certified list used at the polling place at which you have come to vote, or if your name has already been marked as having voted. The envelope used to seal your ballot papers is called a declaration vote envelope. Your declaration vote ballot papers are inserted into the envelope and forwarded to the division in which you are claiming enrolment. The envelope has a counterfoil which is removed and filed in a 'declaration records' folder. This is a record that you voted at that particular polling place. You 'declare' that you are entitled to vote by signing the envelope.
Thus, under present legislation, a person is not required to show ID in order to cast a ballot at a Federal election.
A Parliamentary Joint Select Committee on the Australia Card was set up in December 1985. The Committee reported in May 1986, and did not recommend the introduction of the card. Instead, the Committee favoured the development of a tax file number (TFN), with upgraded integrity from that being used at the time. It was recommended that the information be available for use only by the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) and the Department of Social Security (DSS).
The Government however decided to proceed with the proposal for an Australia Card and during 1986 twice presented legislation which was rejected by the Senate, where the Government did not have a majority. After it was returned to power in the 1987 election, the Government introduced the legislation again.
Arguably, this action became for the general public the first major rallying point against the introduction of computer technology which was seen as potentially threatening to their privacy. Public meetings and demonstrations consistently drew crowds and opposition to the proposal was expressed by people from across the political spectrum.
The proposal for an Australia Card was subsequently dropped by the Government because of a technical flaw in the legislation. The Government turned instead to the alternative TFN proposal in its original limited form as recommended by the Parliamentary Committee.
When Prime Minister John Howard briefly revived the idea of an ID card in 2006 as part of a suite of anti-terrorism measures—prompted by the ‘9/11’ attacks and the Bali bombings—the Cabinet would not agree. Attorney-General Philip Ruddock said that a national ID ‘could increase the risk of fraud because only one document would need to be counterfeited to establish identity’.
There is currently no requirement for voters to produce ID in order to vote at a Federal election, but the issue of ID for the purposes of casting a ballot in a Federal election was canvassed in a 2009 Rudd Government Green Paper on electoral reform.
If there has been any escalation of concern about electoral fraud it has possibly arisen from a greater community awareness of identity theft and its consequences. Attorney-General’s Department surveys into issues relating to identity theft show it is now one of the most prevalent crime types in Australia. The latest Identity Crime Survey conducted by the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) in 2013 found that 9.4 per cent of respondents reported having their personal information stolen or misused in the previous 12 months, with 21 per cent reporting they were a victim at some point in their life.
JSCEM is the prime parliamentary vehicle for deliberations about, and the examination of, Australia’s electoral arrangements and outcomes—including potential electoral fraud. JSCEM reports invariably reflect the views of the party that holds a majority on the Committee. It is usual for the party who is in opposition to provide a dissenting report that stresses, for example, their party’s views on the relevance and seriousness of allegations of electoral fraud, and that seeks to repudiate the findings and conclusions of the main Committee report—see examples below.
Since 2001, Mrs Bronwyn Bishop MP—the current Speaker of the House of Representatives—has featured prominently in debates about the adequacy, integrity and robustness of the electoral roll: ‘If you can't trust the roll, you can't have a properly acting democracy’. Her criticism has extended to the AEC as a whole: ‘I am talking about the culture of the AEC. It has always been a problem, this refusal to acknowledge fraud’. Mrs Bishop is also a critic of the AEC's Federal Direct Enrolment and Update program that uses Australian Tax Office and other official sources of data to place people on the roll.
Whilst to date the Committee has had no evidence to indicate there has been widespread electoral fraud, the Committee believes that rectifying electoral fraud after it has occurred and has compromised the democratic process is not a responsible or sensible proposition. While to date the Committee has not received any evidence of widespread or large-scale electoral fraud, it is considered preferable to take steps to prevent fraud occurring in the first place.
The straw man has been used to create and perpetuate an erroneous view that electoral fraud is commonplace and to overstate its potential effects… [I]t can be clearly stated, in relation to false identities, that there has never been any evidence of widespread or organised enrolment fraud in Australia. … Allegations of multiple voting at federal elections are not new and have been used over the years as something of a ‘bogeyman’ to support the supposed need for a significant tightening of laws covering enrolment and voting processes..
While Opposition members continue to rely on the spectre of electoral fraud to introduce and maintain restrictive enrolment and voting provisions, Government members value the traditionally inclusive nature of our electoral legislation. There should be no doubt that the AEC treats fraud and potential fraud cases with due and diligent attention.
The Opposition Committee members believe that the problems experienced at the 2010 election show there is a definite need to establish a fraud squad as part of the Australian Electoral Commission which would have the power to investigate and prepare briefs for the Department of Public Prosecutions to prosecute cases of fraudulent voting.
A number of Committee members note that the AEC provided figures which outlined there were 20, 633 cases of multiple voting in 2007, 14, 402 cases in 2004 and 16, 949 cases in 2001. Whilst many of these cases could have been genuine mistakes, it does show that multiple voting is a serious problem that has not been sufficiently reviewed by the Committee.
The AEC claims that these cases resulted in no prosecutions, although further advice from the Parliamentary Library confirms that there were in fact three prosecutions. The Parliamentary Library provided the Opposition members with advice that the Australian Federal Police cited a lack of resources for its inability to make successful prosecutions.
These include: that an individual included on the roll meets the legislative qualifications for entitlement to enrolment; that an individual is enrolled accurately at the address for which they are entitled; that the information provided by an individual or an organisation is processed correctly and completely on the roll, and that the address is correctly and completely described, classified and aligned; that the electoral roll is secure from unauthorised access and tampering; and that the electoral roll is complete, in that all individuals who are entitled to enrolment are enrolled. Together these criteria provide a means of assessing the overall integrity of the roll.
[O]verall, the Australian electoral roll is one of high integrity, and that it can be relied on for electoral purposes. We concluded that the AEC is managing the electoral roll effectively. AEC policies and procedures can provide an electoral roll that is accurate, complete, valid and secure. In particular, the AEC has mechanisms in place to provide assurance that the names and addresses on the electoral roll are legitimate and valid; and that people who are eligible to vote are registered properly.
The report found roll accuracy to be 96 per cent; completeness ‘likely to be 95 per cent’; and that ‘internal AEC procedures to ensure roll security and to prevent tampering with roll data were robust and effective’. The follow-up audit in 2004 recommended the development of a strategic plan for continuous roll update—an initiative which is now in place.
The AEC estimates that approximately 1.5 million entitled Australian citizens are not enrolled. The evidence suggests that as each year passes by the number of unenrolled citizens will continue to increase. Significantly, many of these are people who were enrolled in the past; indeed, the AEC estimates that over 600,000 of the 1.5 million unenrolled have been enrolled before and could have voted.
Multiple voting: how serious a problem?
multiple voting causes loss of confidence in public institutions.
But even in countries like Australia, which have low ID thresholds, ‘multiple voting in the same name … is already known to be a phenomenon of marginal importance, rarely undertaken with fraudulent intent’. Prominent election analyst Antony Green has concluded that ‘multiple voting is very limited in state elections’.
The literature on declining civic confidence and political engagement in western democracies highlights a range of potential causes that do not usually include voter fraud.
To the extent that some people express a lack of confidence in the electoral system, blame has been directed by some electoral commissioners at ‘misinformation which is peddled in the media and … to lack of information as to the checks and balances which do exist. … [G]enerally speaking, it is the public’s perception rather than the reality which influences its opinion’.
Since the 1980s, allegations of widespread multiple voting and related fraudulent voter activity in federal and state elections have been made by organisations such as the H.S. Chapman Society and its founder, Dr Amy McGrath OAM … These allegations often rest on the potential for fraud, rather than actual evidence of fraud.
It is true that cases of multiple voting emerge regularly at every Federal election. But immediately following polling day, each identical certified list of voters in each Division is electronically scanned to read the marks against the names on the list, in order to generate reports of multiple marks against names, and reports of no marks against names, together with details identifying the issuing location of the certified list. Where a possible breach of the Electoral Act comes to the attention of the AEC, the matter is referred to the Australian Federal Police (AFP) for investigation, and a brief of evidence may be referred to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) for decision on whether a prosecution against the alleged offender should be instituted in accordance with the Prosecution Policy of the Commonwealth.
All cases of detected multiple voting are examined by the AEC in each Division after the election, and where it appears that the level of multiple voting might have exceeded the winning margin for the elected candidate, the AEC considers disputing the election result by petition to the Court of Disputed Returns under section 357 of the Act.
The penalty for casting more than once in the same election contrary to section 339 (A) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, is 10 penalty units ($1100). Whereas , the penalty for a person found guilty of intentionally voting more than once in the same election contrary to section 339 (C) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, is 60 penalty units ($6600) or imprisonment for 12 months, or both.
These provisions reflect the original requirement in section 30 of the Constitution that, in choosing members of the House of Representatives, each elector shall vote only once. The original section 30 was in effect ‘until the Parliament otherwise provides’, which occurred with the enactment of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918.
The following table summarises the figures on apparent multiple voting for elections from 1993 to 2010, and how these matters have been dealt with by the Australian Federal Police and other relevant authorities.
Source: R Smith, Multiple voting and voter identification, February 2014, New South Wales Electoral Commission, accessed 5 May 2014.
In the 2010 election, of the 14,086,869 electors eligible to vote, 1,454 electors across Australia (or 0.01 per cent) admitted to voting more than once, and of those, over 80 per cent were either aged persons, new electors confused about the voting process, or those with language difficulties.
Nineteen cases were referred to the AFP for further investigation. In three cases the AFP’s initial review indicated no further action.  The AFP conducted a Day of Action on 12 May 2011 to obtain further information from the remaining 16 apparent multiple voters.
Eleven voters denied voting more than once. In the absence of any further corroborating evidence, the AFP decided to take no further action. In one case, the AFP could not contact the voter after several attempts, and decided to take no further action. Four voters admitted voting more than once. Due to the related disabilities of one person, the AFP decided that it was not appropriate to continue the matter. The three remaining voters that admitted to voting more than once were issued with a formal Police Caution.
If multiple voting is strongly associated with problems comprehending English, then perhaps the approach taken to dealing with multiple voting should focus on education campaigns in community languages, rather than voter identification measures. Such education programs may work with varying degrees of success but, in contrast to tighter voter identification measures, they will not have the potential to make it harder for honest citizens to access the ballot.
Multiple voting has been a consistent area of ... discussion for electoral management bodies across the world. This is understandable: a voter's faith in and engagement with the electoral system rests on an assurance that each person in a polling place has the same opportunity but only the same opportunity to vote.
AEC analysis indicates that levels of multiple voting have not had an impact on declared outcomes, but in some ways this misses the point. Multiple voting contravenes the universally accepted standard of one person, one vote. I formed the view that previously the AEC may have been exercising discretion that was at the outer edge of our authority in this matter. … We have implemented a new way of working with the AFP and have begun the process whereby we will provide them with all cases from the 2013 federal election where an elector admitted multiple voting … and all cases where the elector has not responded or not provided adequate evidence in response to our inquiries. Currently [May 2014] that is 6086.
The outcomes of the AFP investigations will be available in due course. There are two different penalties for multiple voting because there are two different offences. Section 339 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act contains a strict liability offence for a person who votes more than once. The penalty for that is 10 penalty units. (A penalty unit is $170 in 2014). There is also a more serious offence where a person is guilty of intentionally voting more than once in the same election. The offence incurs 60 penalty units or imprisonment for 12 months or both.
The problem of course is that voter ID is not going to stop multiple voting because most of what I will call fraudulent multiple voting, which is, I would argue, a minority of cases but it has happened. There was a gentleman in Sydney some years back who voted 17 times and he used to do it all the time. He died before the AEC could prosecute him so we never got that into the courts. The problem with that of course is most of these people are doing it themselves. They are going from one polling place to another and multiple voting but they are doing it in their own name so voter ID is not going to catch that. It will catch personation.
Late last year, Queensland was very keen to have photo ID. When the legislation finally hit the parliament, it was not photo ID; it was any form of identification. So you can bring along a gas bill. It would be very interesting… to find out why the government there, which started off very keen on photo ID, did not end up with photo ID.
Are you going to make the problem worse or are you going to create other problems? That is what is in the literature about voter ID. For example, take the recent case of the UK Electoral Commission's report on voter fraud. … There is no evidence in the report that voter ID was going to solve the problem they identified.
After the last Queensland election there was an unusual result. It was expected to result one way and it was narrowly the other. The defeated candidate took an action in the Supreme Court of Queensland on the grounds of multiple voting. … The farrago of fantasy that was in the media and elsewhere … was astounding. The dead were voting, people were voting from football grounds and the electoral roll was so dirty that it could not be relied on. The Electoral Commission was so incompetent that it probably should have been imprisoned.
When we got into the court, what did the barrister for the plaintiff argue? … He said, 'There are some technical problems.' In the end, the judge examined things … and they got it down to 33 apparent cases of multiple voting. The judge, with assistance from counsel, went through each one of them. Three people had multiple voted. Guess where their place of living was? A nursing home. How did they multiple vote?
But such reassurances still fail to convince some voters that Australia’s electoral arrangements are sound.
In February 2014, the NSW Electoral Commission published a research report, Multiple Voting and Voter Identification: A research report prepared for the New South Wales Electoral Commission.
multiple voting is strongly related to demographic factors such as fluency in English.
Countries around the world are evenly divided between automatic voter registration systems and voter application registration systems. Most countries do now use some form of documentary voter identification system. The range of acceptable documents varies widely, from universal national identification cards to a range of non-photo documents. Many countries with documentary identification systems also allow voters to be vouched for by witnesses.
Most multiple voting appears to be ‘the accidental result of socio-economic factors such as poor language skills, rather than a fraudulent strategy designed to win seats’.
There is no evidence of the busloads of party supporters cruising from polling place to polling place and repeatedly voting in the same names. There is no evidence that multiple voting steals seats in New South Wales (or other Australian jurisdictions). These conclusions are consistent with the available evidence from other countries, including the United States.
The Electoral Commission in the United Kingdom recently acknowledged that there was no evidence of significant multiple voting occurring, but suggested that ‘voter identification laws should be introduced nonetheless because of alleged public fears that it is widespread’.
Does voter ID enhance the integrity of the elections?
Jennifer Rayner—a researcher based at the ANU’s Centre for the Study of Australian Politics—has argued that, notwithstanding that the Australian Electoral Commission investigated almost 2,000 cases of multiple voting after the 2013 poll, Australia does not need a voter to show ID at a polling place.
Holding court with reporters recently, [PUP’s Clive] Palmer mocked the supposed insecurity of Australia’s voting system, saying, ‘to board a flight you need ID, but not to exercise your democratic rights’. These proponents of voter ID make it sound as though this is a quick and easy fix for a gaping security flaw: a no-brainer reform that will bring voting into line with banking or flying to Bali. But as with so many aspects of public administration, the reality is much more complicated than that.
In European countries it is common practice that citizens are issued with state-sponsored ID cards which they are expected to carry with them at all times to facilitate a range of financial and official transactions. Australia does not operate such a mandated ID system.
In recent decades … the international trend has been towards tighter requirements, particularly in the United States, where voter ID has become a topic of heated political debate. These US state laws differ in whether they require photo or non-photo ID, and how strictly they are enforced by officials at booths. But there is a growing body of evidence showing that, overall, the tighter ID rules are acting to discourage and disenfranchise some voters.
Other countries that do not require identification include Denmark, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom (with the exception of Northern Ireland). In Norway and the Netherlands, voters are required to present identification only if it is requested by a poll worker. In Switzerland, every registered voter is sent a registration card prior to an election, and if the voter brings their registration card to the polling place, no additional identification is needed.
The AEC’s revelations about multiple voting at the 2013 federal election confirm that a very small number of ballots were improperly cast; on that basis we can probably assume that there are a handful of voters who do the wrong thing at every federal election. But to extrapolate from that to the idea of widespread voter fraud is to make a conceptual leap that is simply not supported by the evidence.
Since 1983, when most of the current electoral rules and processes were introduced, there has never been an instance where alleged or proven voter fraud led to the overturning of a declared seat result. That is to say, in the past thirty years, neither the AEC nor any party or candidate has ever identified enough voting discrepancies to successfully pursue a case through the Court of Disputed Returns.
Our system may not entirely prevent improper voting, but it is well set up to detect it and ensure that it does not affect the actual outcome –surely the true metric by which electoral integrity should be judged.
Experiences in countries where voter identification is required vary. In the United States of America, voter ID laws have become a political flashpoint. In the past few years some 34 states—mostly Republican—have either enacted or toughened voter ID laws. Supporters say the laws are needed to combat voter fraud, while critics see them as a tactic to disenfranchise voters.
It has also been noted that the requirement for identification has the potential to sway election results in some swing states. On 5 August 2012, the Financial Times reported that, in the 2012 presidential election, more than 750,000 registered voters in Pennsylvania did not have the required forms of identification and were prevented from voting. In the previous presidential race in 2008 President Barack Obama had won Pennsylvania by only 600,000 votes.
There is little or no evidence … that there is a problem. A comprehensive study of voter fraud by the non-partisan Brennan Center at New York University found only a tiny number of documented cases, representing an infinitesimal proportion of votes cast (e.g. 0.0002 in New Jersey and 0.000009 in New York).
The Brennan Center did find, however, that one in ten otherwise eligible American voters do not possess a government-issued photo ID. The problem is particularly acute for poor people, elderly people, black people and Latinos, students and disabled people. In other words, these laws affect the people most likely to vote for Democrats rather than for Republicans.
The argument by the Pennsylvania law’s proponents that it has nothing to do with partisan politics took a blow last month when Mike Turzai, the majority leader of the state’s House of Representatives, addressed a group of fellow state Republicans. Listing the accomplishments of the Republican-controlled legislature, he said, ‘Voter ID—which is going to allow Governor Romney to win the state of Pennsylvania—done’.
At the 2013 Australian Federal election the AEC trialled electronic certified lists (ECLs) at some booths around Australia. These have the capacity to operate from a shared, centralised copy of the electoral roll, and therefore provide up-to-date accounting of who has voted throughout the day. The trial involved early polling centres and mobile polling teams around the country, ranging from the super booth at Sydney Town Hall to one remote polling station in the seat of Lingiari in the Northern Territory. During the pilot, a sample of electors was surveyed to assist the AEC in identifying both the success of the ECLs and electors’ confidence in the voting process.
The survey results showed that ECLs tended to improve voter satisfaction in terms of how easy and quick it was to find and mark electors’ names off the list. Those casting a vote at an ECL location were much more likely to be ‘very satisfied’ with the length of time taken to vote than at non-ECL locations; 83 per cent in ECL locations, compared with 56 per cent. However, pre-poll voters surveyed were less confident that their personal information and privacy was kept safe and secure in ECL locations than those in non-ECL locations; only 66 per cent reported that they were very confident in this instance where there were ECLs, compared to 82 per cent in non-ECL locations.
Whether the government is prepared to invest the money and capacity-building that would be required to implement them successfully is another matter. Poorly conceived and administered schemes are likely to create far greater problems than the relatively minor problem of multiple voting.
It is understandable that Australians would have questions about our electoral system in the wake of the WA Senate stuff-up. But the answer doesn’t lie in conspiracy theories and half-baked measures that pay little mind to the legal and organisational realities of running elections in Australia. The real answer lies in helping Australian voters understand more about how our system works and about the checks and safeguards already in place. The simple fact is that Australia needs voter identification laws about as much as Clive Palmer needs photo ID to board his personal plane.
the actual impact of any new voter identification laws on the low levels of multiple voting would need to be carefully assessed.
Also, one of the major issues should proof of identity be introduced at polling stations is that there would probably be a greatly increased number of declaration votes which would have to go through the time-consuming declaration vote scrutiny process. If a large number of people did not bring ID and had to cast declaration votes it might delay the declaration of the election.
Voter identification measures that reduce voter inequality have to be measured against their effect in excluding citizens from the ballot. This point is recognised in international law alongside the protection of voter equality. Article 25 of the United Nation’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, for example, states that citizens have the ‘right and opportunity’ to vote ‘without unreasonable restrictions’.
The experience of overseas electoral bodies suggests that ‘any voter identification rules are likely to exclude at least some citizens from the franchise and/or to make it more difficult for them to vote’. These include homeless and nomadic people, and other disadvantaged groups.
Statistical modelling in the United States suggests that more stringent identification laws depress voting by lower educated and lower income groups, regardless of race (Alvarez et al 2008). The introduction of voter identification laws was estimated to have depressed voting among Indigenous Canadians by 10 percent (Burgmann 2013).
The research conducted for the NSW report suggested that members of some socio-economic groups were ‘particularly at risk of exclusion from the ballot if the voter ID laws were tightened. These groups are similar to those identified as at risk in other jurisdictions’.
Indigenous citizens are one group with an elevated risk of insufficient identification due to their patterns of literacy, debt, housing and … About 44 percent of Aboriginal adults living in urban areas of New South Wales have never held a driver’s licence, for example, and only 38 percent are current licence holders. Homeless people, including an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 rough sleepers and an ‘unknown number’ escaping domestic violence … could also be at particular risk of exclusion from the ballot, depending on the details of any new identification processes.
According to advocacy groups, identification measures would also present barriers to people with disabilities… and members of non-English speaking groups. It is possible that older citizens would also be less likely than younger citizens to possess relevant forms of identification, either because they have never acquired them or have given them up (when, for example, they stop driving).
It is impossible to quantify precisely the number of individuals who would be adversely affected by the introduction of voter identification laws in New South Wales, partly because the exact impact would depend on the detail of any new identification regime. Given that the best evidence is that a few thousand multiple votes are cast in New South Wales, the potential that identification measures will disenfranchise the same or larger numbers of New South Wales citizens needs serious consideration before they are introduced.
The rhetoric used to bolster these positions is similar to the patterns of the United States. Coalition advocates of tightened identification requirements point to alleged cases of multiple voting and other fraud by Labor and Green supporters, while Labor and the Greens argue that members of disadvantaged groups will be disenfranchised by more restrictive laws.
It is difficult for political parties to remove the expected partisan consequences of voter identification laws from their considerations (Jupp and Sawer 2001: 231; Kelly 2012: 65; Brent 2013b). Perhaps they should not be expected to do so; however, this may make consensus over any new voter identification laws even less likely than consensus over the status quo.
With the exception of Queensland state elections, there is currently no requirement in Australia for a voter on the electoral roll to produce proof of their identity at the polling station in order to be allowed to vote. But over the years various Australian jurisdictions have trialled voter ID schemes. Of these, it appears that none have resulted in follow-up action.
The Victorian Electoral Commission (VEC) conducted a trial of voter ID cards at the Coburg District by-election in 1994.
to encourage voter participation by ensuring that each voter was sent personally addressed official communication about the by-election.
The VEC advised that the results did show an increase in voter turnout compared to other by-elections but the Commission raised a number of further questions to be considered in relation to whether the use of voter cards addressed the voter identification issue. The VEC,however, did not elaborate on these issues.
The SEO, in consultation with the council produced a household brochure – voter card which was delivered to all of the electors on the Hurstville City Council Penshurst ward roll. The voter card was mailed to electors in the penultimate week prior to election day and instructed electors to present the card at polling places to make voting quicker for them. It also provided details of the location of polling places as well as important information regarding the method of voting. The SEO advises that the voter card scheme was well received, particularly by non-English speaking voters.
Personally addressed information packs were mailed to each enrolled elector following the close of rolls for the election. The packs contained details of the elector’s enrolled District and polling booth details. In addition, a leaflet gave details of the various options for voting, an explanation of the optional preferential voting system and the counting method and provided contact details for the Commission’s call centre and website.
Translation service details were included for electors requiring such assistance. Electors were encouraged in their voter information letter and in complementary advertising to take their letter with them wherever they voted. Results were patchy across the State but sampling suggests that some 60% of electors took their letters with them when they voted.
The ECQ also used this approach at by-elections for the Queensland Districts of Chatsworth and Redcliffe.
The 2009 Green Papers produced by the Rudd Government canvassed an array of issues linked to electoral integrity. They included a comprehensive list of the arguments both for and against a requirement for voters to provide identification at polling booths. The Queensland Government drew on these in its own 2013 electoral reform discussion paper.
In support of the introduction of proof of identity requirements, the Rudd Green Paper noted that the requirements could provide greater protection against voter impersonation, as voters could be visually checked against their photographic identification and against the electoral roll; and ensure greater confidence in the electoral process and the integrity of the results.
additional polling staff would be required to check voter identities in order to reduce delays at polling places.
there was no specific evidence of electoral fraud in this area, so the introduction of proof of identity requirements could be considered a disproportionate response to the risk.
In an open letter to Queensland’s Attorney-General, Jarrod Bleijie, community and human rights groups urged him not to introduce the ID laws that he wanted to pass, and which would result in Queensland being the only Australian jurisdiction to have a voter ID requirement. As many as 40,000 Queenslanders could be prevented from voting if the law was introduced.
[The] requirements for voters to show ID would make voting particularly difficult for many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as well as people experiencing homelessness, young people, old people and people with disability. … The voter ID requirement would make it more difficult for Queenslanders to prove their identity at the ballot box than it is for them to enrol to vote with the AEC.
To further ensure the integrity of voting in Queensland, the Government supports requiring prescribed proof of identity documents on polling day to reduce the potential for electoral fraud. To address concerns about those voters who may not have photographic identity, particularly older and younger electors, proof of identity will not be restricted to photographic identification. The implementation of the measure will be subject to public education and careful planning for transitioning to this requirement.
requiring voters to produce some form of ID at a polling booth, such as a utilities bill or similar. If enrolled electors do not produce ID at the time of casting a ballot they will need to make a declaration vote that will later be checked for its validity.
There is nothing apart from apocryphal evidence to suggest 'personation' is a problem at Australian elections. There is a tiny but measurable incidence of multiple voting, but the incidence is not enough to change election results. Even then, voter ID laws cannot stop voters voting at multiple polling places. Voter ID as implemented at the Stafford by-election will not make Australian elections more secure. But if it makes voters think elections are more secure, then it may play a part in fixing the real problem with Australian elections. That problem is trust in the electoral process.
There are approximately 14 million voters on the Federal electoral roll while an estimated 1.22 million eligible voters are not enrolled—the equivalent of 12 standard electorates of 100,000 voters. Of these unenrolled citizens, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders are arguably the most disenfranchised group.
The AEC is unable to accurately establish the number of Indigenous Australians on the electoral roll as the Commission does not ask voters to identify their ethnicity.
Some estimates indicate that nationally less than 50 per cent of eligible Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people may be enrolled to vote—and of these, 50 per cent are less likely to vote.
So, in very rough terms, if the number of Indigenous people nationally who are eligible to vote is 314,000 then 157,000 (50 per cent of those eligible) are likely to be enrolled, but only 78,500 (50 per cent of those enrolled) are likely to vote.
But the figure of 314,000 eligible Indigenous people does not take into account those who did not report Indigenous status for the Census. The more accurate number (taking into account the non-reporters and the Post Enumeration Survey) for the Census is 384,100.
The following tables provide an overview of the demographics of Indigenous Australians.
It may be the case that Indigenous Australians are not universally covered in terms of ID either through drivers’ licences, Medicare, Centrelink or similar registrations.
In an electoral context it could be argued that the introduction of formal ID requirements could eliminate a proportion of those Indigenous Australians who are in fact already on the roll, but who do not have formal ID.
Is this more likely to be so for older Indigenous voters and those who live in remote areas and vote at remote / mobile polling booths? Perhaps not. Much effort goes into remote polling booths, so it may be the case that remote Indigenous voters are reasonably well catered for.
In its submission 169 to the 2007 JSCEM inquiry, the AEC provided some numbers about the enrolment identity requirements that were in place at the time. Enrolees could either provide a driver’s licence number, show an authorised person an approved document, or have their identities confirmed by two enrolled people who know them.
Another relevant consideration is that the number of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders excluded from access to financial services is more than double the national average of 17.2 per cent, with 43 per cent operating outside the mainstream banking system. This suggests formal ID is lacking among this group.
According to the National Year of Reading 2012 project, nearly half the Australian population struggles without the literacy skills to meet the most basic demands of everyday life and work. There are 46 per cent of Australians who cannot read newspapers; follow a recipe; make sense of timetables, or understand the instructions on a medicine bottle.
Presumably this would also impact on voter political literacy and their ability to participate effectively in elections. We know Indigenous literacy is low. Thirty per cent of Indigenous adults lack basic literacy skills.
the wide variety of Indigenous languages presents difficulties for electoral authorities in conveying often complex electoral information.
There is as well a degree of cynicism or misinformation in Indigenous communities about the electoral process and its benefits. Also, there are complexities in the Australian electoral system—such as preferential voting, and differences between local, state and federal electoral rules and methods—that many Australians find confusing.
In the 2009-10 Federal Budget the AEC received $13 million over four years to establish the Indigenous Electoral Participation Program (IEPP) aimed at closing the gap in areas of Indigenous disadvantage by improving the electoral participation of Indigenous Australians.
$1.2 million was earmarked for the first year of design, consultation and establishment, as well as $400 000 for capital expenditure. Funding increased to $4.7 million in 2010-11 as it was an election year, with the remaining funds split over the final two years. The AEC’s objectives in the four year IEPP were to increase electoral knowledge, enrolment and participation as well as decrease the levels of informal voting amongst Indigenous electors.
to decrease levels of informal voting.
The program involves an extensive field program, programs for schools, technical colleges and communities. There are small community activity sponsorships, a future leaders program, an ambassador program and prison visits. As well, greater efforts have gone into recruiting and supporting Indigenous people as electoral officials.
– complete electoral roll accuracy checks and operate information booths at community events.
Further, near election times, Remote Area Mobile Polling Stations visit communities to simplify the voting process; the stations remain in the communities for several days.
the number of (apparent and actual) multiple votes—although a tiny percentage of all votes cast—amounts to several thousands, and throws a shadow on the voting process.
Coalition party supporters tend to be advocates of the introduction of voter ID; Labor and the Greens appear to be generally opposed. Recent changes to Queensland state laws requiring voters to provide certain categories of ID when voting are likely to encourage those who seek similar provisions at the Federal level.
Notwithstanding that substantial expert advice, and the evidence of several studies, has shown that the absence of voter ID laws has not been detrimental to Australia’s electoral processes, there remains a body of opinion that insists that the current system is open to abuse, and contends that the system is possibly already being abused by people seeking to skew election results.
Defenders of the existing arrangements argue that the risks to electoral integrity are negligible, and that it would be substantially worse for Australia’s democracy if tighter voter ID rules resulted in sizeable cohorts of Australians being prevented from casting a vote.
They argue that disenfranchisement is a serious threat to the fairness and comprehensiveness of Australia’s democratic arrangements, and to the cohesiveness of a polity where the vast majority of Australians turn up to vote, and where—according to the Australian Electoral Study—compulsory voting has led to a high level of democratic satisfaction and sense of political efficacy among Australians.
. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, User friendly, not abuser friendly: Report of the inquiry into the integrity of the electoral roll, op. cit.
. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, Inquiry into the 2001 Federal Election and matters related thereto, House of Representatives, Canberra, June 2003, p. viii, accessed 28 April 2014.
. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, User friendly, not abuser friendly: Report of the inquiry into the integrity of the electoral roll, House of Representatives, Canberra, June 2001, accessed 28 April 2014.
. M Grattan, ‘Returning officers push for electoral ID’, Sydney Morning Herald, 11 December 2000, accessed 6 May 2014.
. L Crosby, (Director, Liberal Party), Evidence to JSCEM, User friendly, not abuser friendly: Report of the inquiry into the integrity of the electoral roll, House of Representatives, Canberra, June 2001, accessed 2 May 2014.
. R Peake, ‘Libs to push for compulsory voter ID’, Canberra Times, 9 April 2002, accessed 10 April 2014.
. J Hall MP, Evidence to JSCEM, Inquiry into the 2001 Federal Election and matters related thereto, 12 August 2002, House of Representatives, Canberra, June 2003, accessed 2 May 2014.
. A McGrath, Evidence to JSCEM Inquiry into the integrity of the electoral roll, 2 March 2001, accessed 10 April 2014.
. M Danby, ‘Speech’, Appropriation Bill (No.1), 2001–02, House of Representatives, Debates, 21 June 2001, p. 28409, accessed 10 April 2014.
. J Patrick, ‘Lost votes and the prospects of electoral fraud’, Quadrant, Jan–Feb 2014, p. 24, accessed 10 April 2014.
. ‘Enrol to vote’, Australian Electoral Commission (AEC), website, accessed 29 April 2014.
. ‘What is a Declaration Vote at a polling place?’, AEC website, accessed 29 April 2014.
. ‘Data-matching in Commonwealth administration’, Department of the Parliamentary Library, n.d., accessed 29 April 2014.
. J Rayner, ‘A fix for what’s not broken: why Australia doesn’t need voter ID’, Inside Story, 4 March 2014, accessed 1 May 2014.
. Australian Government, Electoral reform green paper: Strengthening Australia’s democracy, 2009, pp. 176–7, accessed 20 May 2014.
. Queensland Parliament, Electoral reform Amendment Bill 2013, accessed 27 May 2014.
. Human Right Law Centre, ‘Queensland passes first Australian voter ID laws as Liberal party flags reforms at national level’, media release, 22 May 2014, accessed 29 May 2014.
. Australian Government, Attorney-General’s Department, ‘Identity crime in Australia’, accessed 28 May 2014.
. B Bishop MP, Evidence to JSCEM, Inquiry into the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Improving Electoral Administration) Bill 2012, 4 February 2014, accessed 2 May 2014.
. B Bishop MP, Evidence to JSCEM, Inquiry into the conduct of the 2010 federal election and matters related thereto, 25 May 2011, accessed 2 May 2014.
. JSCEM, Inquiry into the Conduct of the 2004 Federal Election and Matters Related Thereto, House of Representatives, Canberra, October 2005, p. 136, accessed 9 May 2014.
. JSCEM, Inquiry into the Conduct of the 2007 Federal Election and Matters Related Thereto, House of Representatives, Canberra, June 2009, p. 16, accessed 9 May 2014.
. JSCEM, Inquiry into the Conduct of the 2010 Federal Election and Matters Related Thereto, House of Representatives, Canberra, July 2011, p. iv, accessed 9 May 2014.
. E Killesteyn, former Australian Electoral Commissioner, Evidence to JSCEM, Inquiry into the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Improving Electoral Administration) Bill 2012, 8 February 2012, accessed 2 May 2014.
. I McPhee (Auditor-General), Australian National Audit Office, Evidence to Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, (JSCEM) All aspects of the conduct of the 2013 federal election and matters related thereto, 6 February 2014, accessed 20 May 2014.
. Australian National Audit Office (ANAO), ‘Integrity of the electoral roll’, Audit Report no. 42, 2001–02, accessed 27 May 2014.
. AEC, ‘Direct enrolment and direct update: The Australian experience’, AEC website, accessed 27 May 2014.
. R Smith, Multiple voting and voter identification, February 2014, New South Wales Electoral Commission, accessed 5 May 2014.
. Ibid., quoted by Smith.
. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, Inquiry into the 2001 Federal Election and matters related thereto, House of Representatives, Canberra, June 2003, p. 174, accessed 2 May 2014.
. See the AEC Electoral Backgrounder: Electoral fraud and multiple voting, accessed 2 May 2014.
. JSCEM, Inquiry into the 2001 Federal Election and matters related thereto, op. cit., p. 176.
. R Jabbour, Acting Deputy Commissioner Operations (Australian Federal Police), Inquiry into the conduct of the 2010 Federal Election and matters related thereto, Submission 105, 27 June 2011, accessed 5 May 2014.
. Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act, Part III, section 30, accessed 19 June 2014; Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 accessed 19 June 2014.
. E Killesteyn, Australian Electoral Commissioner, Evidence to Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee - Estimates, 18 October 2011, accessed 5 May 2014.
. R Smith, op. cit., p. 73.
. T Rogers (Acting Electoral Commissioner), Evidence to Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee (Estimates), 29 May 2014, accessed 12 June 2014.
. Senate Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee, Answers to questions on notice, Additional estimates, 2013–2014, Finance Portfolio, Question reference number F69, Questioner C Bernardi, accessed 12 June 2014.
. B Costar, Evidence to JSCEM , Conduct of the 2013 federal election and matters related thereto, 15 April 2014, accessed 2 May 2014.
. B Costar, Evidence to JSCEM, Inquiry into the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Improving Electoral Administration) Bill 2012, 29 February 2012, accessed 2 May 2014.
. Ibid. , p. 70.
. F Schaffer and T Wang, ‘Is Everyone Else Doing It? Indiana’s Voter Identification Law in International Perspective’, Harvard Law and Policy Review, vol. 3, 2009, p. 398, accessed 27 May 2014.
. E Bronner, ‘Legal battles erupt over tough voter ID laws’, New York Times, 19 July 2012, accessed 9 May 2014.
. A Fifield, ‘Voter ID laws could sway US elections, Financial Times, 5 August 2012, accessed 5 May 2014.
. D Weisbrot, ‘The right to vote the right way – how voter ID laws hurt the poor’, The Conversation, 10 September 2012, accessed 6 May 2014.
. M Cooper, ‘Pennsylvania’s voter ID law spurs debate’, The Caucus, 25 June 2012, accessed 9 May 2014.
. L Nicholson, ‘Writing on wall for pencil and paper electoral rolls’, Sydney Morning Herald, 29 August 2013, accessed 8 May 2014.
. AEC, Submission 20.3 to JSCEM, Inquiry into and report on all aspects of the conduct of the 2013 Federal Election and matters related thereto, 11 April 2014, accessed 4 June 2014.
. Smith, op. cit., p. 77.
. Smith, op. cit., p. 7.
. This is one of the reasons that pre-poll votes are now counted as ordinary votes—there was a concern that it may not be possible to announce the results on election night.
. Smith, op. cit., p. 74.
. AEC, Supplementary to Submission No.74, Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, Inquiry into the Conduct of the 2004 Federal Election and Matters Related Thereto, March 2005.
. Australian Government, Electoral reform green paper: Strengthening Australia’s democracy, September 2009, p. 182, accessed 6 May 2014.
. Queensland Government, Department of Justice and Attorney-General, Electoral reform: discussion paper, January 2013, pp. 28–29, accessed 6 May 2014, p. 29.
. Human Rights Law Centre, ‘Attorney-General urged to rethink voting ID hurdle that may prevent Queenslanders from casting votes’, media release, 29 August 2013, accessed 9 May 2014.
. Queensland, Department of Justice and Attorney-General, Electoral reform: Queensland electoral review outcomes, July 2013, accessed 6 May 2014.
. Queensland Government, Electoral Reform Amendment Bill 2013, accessed 28 May 2014.
. A Green, ‘Voter ID laws pass their first hurdle in Stafford’, Antony Green’s Election Blog, 23 July 2014, accessed 28 July 2014.
. AEC, ‘Online enrolment drives record 14.7 million Australians ready to vote’, media release, 16 August 2013, accessed 6 June 2014.
. Most of the information in the following section is drawn from a seminar presentation by Kevin Kitson, First Assistant Commissioner, Australian Electoral Commission, titled ‘Engagement with Remote Indigenous Communities to Improve Service Delivery.’ Seminar conducted at a Regional Managers Local Implementation Forum on 2 May 2012.
. Collection of data about citizens’ indigenous status is problematic. There are some National best practice guidelines for collecting Indigenous status in health data sets issued by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare.
. Australian Bureau of Statistics, ‘3238.0 - Estimates and Projections, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, 2001 to 2026’, accessed 6 June 2014.
. AEC, Submission 169 to JSCEM Inquiry into the 2007 Federal Election, 20 June 2008, accessed 12 June 2014.
. ‘Bank accounts too expensive for many Australians, survey shows’, news.com.au, 29 May 2012, accessed 9 May 2014.
. Creative Spirits, ‘Aboriginal literacy rates’, website, accessed 9 May 2014.
. AEC, ‘Indigenous Electoral Participation Program (IEPP)’, AEC website, accessed 27 May 2014.
. A Markiewicz and I Patrick, ‘Indigenous Electoral Participation Program (IEPP): Final evaluation report vol. 1, September 2012, AEC.
. A Markiewicz and I Patrick, Final evaluation report vol. 1, op. cit.
. Queensland Government, Electoral Reform Amendment Bill 2013, op. cit.
. A useful account of these matters is ‘The complex reality of post-tribal voters’, an ABC Radio interview with Professor Ian McAllister, 23 September2011, accessed as a transcript, 27 May 2014.


text:
ColorProof delivers a complete range of benefits for color-treated hair, EvolvedColorCare. Each product offers protection and technology.
ghd announces the launch of the ghd curve – a range of innovating curling tools to accompany their iconic stylers and dryers.
FHI Heat Runway IQ Session Styling Rapid Roller Hair System is a new system for adding volume and creating all the curls and waves you need in 8 seconds.
ghd, the leading luxury hairstyling brand, introduces the groundbreaking ghd eclipse™ with patented tri-zone™ technology.
Viviscal Professional, the first selling hair supplement worldwide, is now available to salons, spas and dermatologists in a professional strength formula.

industry_corpus2: Biopharmaceuticals


text: Sai Bungalow provides private terrace for parties and occasions. It is placed at a distance of 2 km from the Malavali Railway Station. There are in total three well-maintained rooms that are equipped with essential requisites. Rooms include amenities like television set, wardrobe and makeup mirror. The attached bathrooms in the rooms are supplied with hot/cold running water.

industry_corpus2: Hospitality & Catering


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iTECH we operate http://www.itechcanada.com. This page informs you of our policies regarding the collection, use and disclosure of Personal Information we receive from users of the Site.
We may retrieve Personal Information from you related to our services. This information will be used for the operation of the application and processing of your business transactions.

industry_corpus2: Technology & Research


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This CLA fundraising auction item that This CLA fundraising auction item that was crafted by artist Brian Barker. He has researched and created a copy of a pipe ax once owned by the Shawnee chief Tecumseh. The exploits of Tecumseh during the war of 1812 are famous, and to have this hand forged, hand engraved, silver inlaid copy of his personal tomahawk in our auction definately demonstrates the level of research and dedication to craftsmanship that our CLA artists are willing to rise to in order to make this year’s event something very special. Remember, the auction will be held Saturday,August 18th during the 16th Annual CLA Show and Meeting in Lexington Kentucky.
For more information about the auction or CLA membership please visit: Longrifle.
When Robert Weil started collecting images for the Contemporary Makers book in 1973 the challenge to record contemporary gun work was daunting. Gathering material was difficult and time consuming. Few makers thought that there was any value in published documentation of their work. Electronic publishing has changed all that. Having a website or having one's work available to view on the internet is becoming a necessity. In spite of all the potential to finally have a true overview of what's being produced by the artists of today, a great deal of work still remains covered up and basically unknown. Our role is to make an effort to document some portion of what’s going on today. To comment on the established makers and to uncover the unknown. We welcome your comments and suggestions and look to you our readers to make us aware of the talented makers out there.

industry_corpus2: Others


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How To Wire Electrical Outlets Switches And Lights Home Care Guide is good choice for you that looking for nice reading experience. We hope you glad to visit our website. Please read our description and our privacy and policy page.
Finally I get this ebook, thanks for all these How To Wire Electrical Outlets Switches And Lights Home Care Guide can get now!

industry_corpus2: Manufacturing


text:
There are the things seen with the eyes, physical realities: assorted shapes, diverse patterns -- some repeated as themes over a variety of individual rug pieces; multitudes of colors and color combinations blended in harmonious ways that give a vitality to the patterns delineated by their changes and juxtaposition.
And these visual impressions expand beyond mere physical sensation to metaphysical considerations: the things seen with the mind's eye. I see the complexity of structure and form that suggest (undeniably) an enduring purpose, things built to last; like any work of art: an artifact of creation that extends in time beyond the creative act as a testament of the spirit that created. The amazing intricacy, the lively interplay of colors and patterns are beacons radiating here and now the vitality (and apparent delight in life) which in reality are temporally and spatially distant as regards their use in the effort of assembling them into these expressions of beauty. An artisan, or group of artisans, far removed from here in some distant land and different culture, working for a long time in some time past, brought forth with the labor invested in each unique rug a testimonial, a monument, a memorial perhaps to a great love, or some deep appreciation, or an enviable ecstasy that had the inner power to shape spiritual motives into physical reality.
I know the simplicity of the people who have made these finely crafted rugs that I see with my eyes from my desk. Their hard lives and simple ways don't hold much attraction as a "lifestyle choice" for us when compared with our easier "sophisticated" Western lifestyles; but the physical artifacts of their spiritual life-force -- full of color; intricately interwoven in beautifully patterned themes -- deserve respect, appreciation, and some effort at integration into our speed-of-light material culture which is less and less connected with artisanship and the ability therein to personally transform our spiritual urges into enduring symbols of what truly motivates us.
Our customer had been working with her designer on redecorating her living room for several months. From the outset she had decided she wanted an area rug to anchor the room, and unify all of the furnishings and colors she was selecting.
The room was nearing completion - her new furniture had been installed - and she was still without a rug when, via our website, she found Brandon Oriental Rugs in Bucks County, Pennsylvania and decided to see if our Rug-Search(TM) service could accomplish what she had been unable to do herself.
We also learned from her in the process that the REAL hand-knotted rug she selected from Brandon Oriental Rugs was more reasonably priced than many of the choices that had been suggested to her previously. She is also delighted with the fact that she has a REAL rug (not some machine-made or "tufted" imitation) giving her the quality and value that is important to her - as evidenced in all of her tasteful decorating decisions.
Though we are proud of the visible demonstration that our store makes of the magnificence and enduring qualities of REAL Handmade Rugs -- and of our commitment to offering the same to our customers -- Brandon Oriental Rugs is NOT just a store, we are a service.
Those shopping for rugs who take advantage of the unique benefits our Rug-Search(TM) service offers will save time, effort, and cost in their acquisition of fine handmade area rugs.
Brandon also offers complimentary design assistance related to rug selection and use with professional evaluation of the wants and needs of our customers in consultation with them and/or their interior designers or architects.
Other complimentary services (including free local delivery and in-home trial of multiple rugs) are offered to make rug-search and selection an enjoyable process.
Additional services associated with fine handmade rugs (including professional rug cleaning, rug restorations and repairs, and rug appraisals for purposes of estate protection, insurance, and loss evaluation) are also provided by Brandon Oriental Rugs.
We take pride in being "The Home of REAL Rugs"(TM) because, regardless of where you choose to make use of them, "REAL Rugs Bring Pride to Every Room"(TM).
Whether you are an expert or a novice in the use of REAL, hand-knotted rugs, Brandon Oriental Rugs works to advance your appreciation and experience of all that is of significance to you in your special rug search. Our resources are available to you to help you realize your goals, and to assure you the enduring pride and satisfaction experienced in achievement.


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In mobile games, great performance is closely related to great user experience. Gamers are hungry to see constant progress with the game and have the great gameplay experience. For this, graphics performance needs to be up to snuff and the game must work well – and provide the very same experience – across all different devices (phones, tablets etc.). We’ll take a look at here how to easily automate the performance profiling and monitoring for mobile games. Even you are still starting the development, there are lots of things you can test in the performance context – and that’s where test automation brings you some real benefits.
In fact, mobile games require quite a lot of performance testing before those can be published in markets. What type of performance testing is needed varies on the nature of the game, graphics/animations/assets, gameplay, what sort of multiplayer functionalities are enabled and many other things. The most typical performance tests done for a mobile game are just generic stress tests where the game is automatically played through, the frames-per-second (FPS) measured in the context of responsiveness and refresh rate – or even used some additional workload to ensure the game can run fine on lower end of device spectrum, as well.
Performance needs to be consistent across all different device variants that your gamers have. Because of this, it is highly recommended that you use as many real devices for testing as possible. In order to determine how well your game responds to various levels of usage, you should consider creating tests which last for hours to observe how well the game as well as how much of battery is used during long usage. To determine if your game will be able to run successfully for a sustained duration under heavy load, Load/Stress tests can be used. The performance tests will measure how responsive your game can be on a real device.
Here is one example of an Android game executed on one randomly picked mobile device (Samsung GT-i8190N Galaxy S III Mini). In this case, the test was very simple, enabled only the basic click-throughs over the menus and end up doing those game configurations and selections, and just did nothing else but automatically played the game’s tutorial phase through. The device contains 1024MB RAM, runs on ST-Ericsson NovaThor U8420 1 GHz processor with ARM Mali-400MP1 GPU while the resolution is 800×480. Not significant stress for CPU or GPU.
The used example game first loads graphics assets, few smaller animations and initializes the gameplay. The high peak with FPS comes from animations and introduction type of show which lasts about 3 seconds. After this, we see test automation script going through some main menus, selecting gameplay and do the basic configs until the actual tutorials start. During the tutorial, there are more and less GPU-intensive periods but as we can see from the picture above, the game will work smoothly on this test device.
This type of testing is extremely easy to automate and do during all phases of the development. The more devices that are used for testing, the better – as you’ll get plenty of useful data on how to improve the gameplay performance, fix those bottlenecks and fine-tune everything. You know this but sluggish and badly performing games can ensure that the game won’t be successful, gets bad ratings and won’t make its creator (positive) name.
These sort of features can help mobile game developers to understand potential bottlenecks in performance, reveal unused potential with CPU and GPU resources, and help to push the boundaries of Android gaming and visuals, without forgetting the most important thing – a need to test the game on real devices.
In addition to performance profiling, you can also use resource monitoring to see how much of memory in the device is allocated (and when deallocated) at a certain point of the execution. The same applies also for CPU monitoring and you can fetch all this data from each and every device run to yourself. This is really a great way to spot those problems and get a better understanding of how to optimize your game to work with different devices with different memory sizes.
The resource usage is critical and provides all important metrics for mobile games as the power of CPU and the size of memory varies device by device. High-end devices are more capable to run anything whereas low-end devices can’t even get the game up and running. This is not an exceptional case that game is built for a high-end device, published and then gets complained by thousands of users that it can even get in the first loading state.
First, create an account at Bitbar Testing – if you don’t already have one. Use our App Crawler – if you don’t have dedicated tests. However, building specific tests especially for games is always recommended as OpenGL ES graphics content might be overkilling for App Crawler.
2) Input everything to logs! This is very important and will help you to further investigate what happens in your game – even you would be monitoring it in real-time during the testing. Logs will maintain all that information and you can easily compare those later – even build-by-build – to see how things have regressed while building a new version of the game.
Animations – are those flowing well? Animations require some performance capability from the device. It is important to test this in the context of low-end devices.
Screen Orientation – what happens – if anything – when the user rotates the screen? Is your game meant to be rotatable?
Happy Performance Profiling for Your Games!

industry_corpus2: Gaming


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As customer reviews become more and more common on ecommerce sites, we can expect innovations to emerge in design, usability and quality.
It’s always a good idea to keep an eye on Amazon for usability innovations. Today we’ll look at an example of how Amazon helps customers filter product reviews when there are literally hundreds of them. Not only does Amazon help customers hone in on specific types of reviews, it also takes the opportunity to show relevant merchandising based on the customer reviews themselves. In this post I’ll also suggest something that Amazon isn’t doing yet that could help you save sales when review content actually discourages a customer to purchase the item in question.
I’m going to use the example of a book that’s going to be a top-seller on Amazon simply because it’s endorsed by perhaps the most influential television personality in the world – Oprah Winfrey. Most people will not feel the need to read reviews because they trust her opinion so much. Others will be so excited about the book they will read the reviews just to tide them over until the book arrives at their door.
Then you have the customer who will want to read reviews from people like them to determine whether they want to invest 10 hours of reading and $15 in a book. The question they want answered is “why shouldn’t I buy this book?
Amazon’s 5-star rating graph shows that the majority of reviewers are thrilled with the book. But there are over 50 people who gave it the lowest rating of 1 star. With one click, you jump directly to the critical reviews. Not only that, but by default the reviews appear in order of most helpful as voted by other shoppers. (Users can also sort by most recent review).
So let’s assume the customer is dissuaded by these comments and will not convert on this item. On the plus side, you’ve provided a great service to the shopper and that’s great for building trust. The customer might prefer you over other sites now for future purchases. But you don’t want this customer to leave empty handed. You must show them reasonable substitutes, and Amazon’s got that covered.
Along the right hand side of the customer reviews section, you’ll see product thumbnails and links suggesting other items mentioned in the customer reviews. One problem is this is easy to overlook – like banner blindness, we may also suffer from cross-sell blindness.
Another problem is it isn’t clear why the products were mentioned. In the image above, we see one reviewer felt this book ripped off an earlier work, and the second suggests if you already own other books by this author, you don’t need to spend money on the latest publication. It’s possible these would show up as cross-sells, but without knowing the context of an item’s reference in a customer review, it’s not as helpful as if these suggestions were organized differently.
Include a field in customer reviews that asks “Didn’t like this product? What would you recommend instead?” The review engine should recognize a 1 or 2 star review and pull data from this field, or simply recognize that if the field is filled in, the reviewer was unhappy with the item.
And when customers then view the filtered results for 1 and 2 star reviews, they would be shown “People who don’t recommend this item would rather buy” suggestions. This way, you build a tremendous amount of trust, you harness the potential of user generated cross-sells and you increase your chances of converting today.
If you missed our merchandising webinar with Mike Svatek of Baynote, do check out the replay and the companion blog summary – it covers a lot of other cross-selling tactics from Amazon. You’ll also want to check out our post on cross selling dos and don’ts.
Next articleSocial Commerce on Product Pages – Why Not?

industry_corpus2: Computing & Telecommunications


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•	The LongReach server does bind to ports 6560 and 6561, but does not accept TCP/IP connections on these ports.
•	The following manager.properties keywords disable accepting TCP/IP connections on these ports.
•	Note: YOU MUST NOT OPEN PORTS 6560 and 6561 TO PUBLIC ACCESS.
•	Only 1 port needs to be opened to the public. This is the LongReach HTTP Server port 6563.
•	The LongReach HTTPS Server port 6564 is not configured to be active, so is not used.
•	It is possible to configure LongReach to have both a HTTP and HTTPS instance running, so both ports can be used.
•	It is possible to change the default configuration to use HTTPS only and now port 6563 is not being used and port 6564 is being used.
•	With LongReach, it is actually possible to open no more ports and just use an existing port 80.
•	Change LongReach port value 6563 to 80. This assumes that port 80 is not used on the same machine.


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When they work, all families are wonderful.
Sadly, sometimes families don’t work, leading to separation and divorce which can affect your life profoundly. Your work, your home, your assets and your business can all be impacted. And that’s before any welfare issues surrounding your children are brought in. Protecting your interests and those of your children are paramount.
Using the most appropriate methods – it could be collaboration, mediation or court action – we help you deal with the complex issues surrounding your family. We’ll work with you to identify solutions to resolve issues and protect your own interests.
“Tom Quail exudes confidence and gravitas and is someone you want to listen to."
Arrangements for the care of children, such as Contact, Parental rights, Access, Custody and Residence, Adoption.
Our expertise ensures that you know you’ll be in safe hands at a very emotional time for you and your family.
With our acknowledged specialism in family businesses and business families, we have a particular insight on the effects family break up can have on a business. We partner with the Family Business team to mitigate any collateral damage from relationship breakdowns.


text: Air transport workers warned Thursday that the five-week-old US government shutdown could cause US commercial aviation to collapse. Speaking at the US capital's Reagan Washington National Airport, leaders of the National Air Traffic Controllers Association, Air Line Pilots Association and Association of Flight Attendants warned that if the deadlock between President Donald Trump and Democrats in Congress over funds for a border wall does not end soon, flights could be cut back around the country. "We have a growing concern for the safety and security of our members, our airlines, and the traveling public due to the government shutdown," leaders of the National Air Traffic Controllers Association, Air Line Pilots Association and Association of Flight Attendants said.

industry_corpus2: Aerospace


text: Having graduated from Harold Night, seasoned FA house teams The Sweet FA and The Wilson’s are finally taking Improv seriously. Well, they’re taking Improv somewhere… Come and watch two of the best teams around experiment with different formats and push long-form improvised comedy to new, dizzying heights. As usual: totally made-up, totally hilarious.

industry_corpus2: Film & Entertainment


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Analytics tools – consulting – education and much more is provided by the experts at the Houston SEO firm Directory One. Our SEO services include various packages that are tailored to the individual marketing needs of each of one our clientele.
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Your level of control over your Internet marketing campaign is completely up to you when you hire Directory One to perform your business SEO services in houston.
We do not attempt to boggle you with incomprehensible information, but rather prefer to assist your company in its success by providing as much support and education as you would like to receive while managing your Internet marketing campaign.
The analytics tools that Directory One will provide you to analyze the traffic being driven to your website will help you to not only understand how many visitors are reaching your website, but also what key terms they are utilizing to find you with.
We will help you to determine what the most heavily searched key phrases are. Our SEO services will also help you understand how much time your visitors are spending at your site and how this relates to your sales percentages.
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Rated: (for language, child abuse, and brief sensuality).
Reviewed by Dustin Putman, June 7, 2002.
Ever since the trailers began popping up in movie theaters, I have discovered that there is a world of womenseemingly the entire adult female populationwho have read "Divine Secrets of the Ya-Ya Sisterhood," by Rebecca Wells, and follow it religiously. The general consensus is that males, on the other hand, will likely avoid this big-screen adaptation like the plague. Men. Women. It makes no difference. Academy Award winning screenwriter Callie Khouri (1991's "Thelma & Louise"), in her directing debut, has crafted a lumbering, cutesy, shallow, and incomprehensible misfire that neither gender should buy into. While never having read the book, my only guess is that it has to be worlds better than its cinematic equivalent because, if not, its devoted fans have been seriously brainwashed by someone.
Everything in "Divine Secrets of the Ya-Ya Sisterhood" is simply too colorfultoo sarcasticfor its own good. The characters, whom all have precious movie-style names like Sidda, Vivi, Necie, Teensy, and Caro, spout off sassy one-liners like they are going out of style, but their actions are not endearing, and their words strike false notes around every corner. Director Callie Khouri, who also penned the awkward, undernourished screenplay, has seemingly misplaced depth of character with throwaway lines of dialogue.
The film begins in what appears to be the present day, as aging drama queen Vivi (Ellen Burstyn) comes upon an interview with her playwriter daughter, Sidda (Sandra Bullock), who basically blames her for an unhappy childhood. In true Vivi fashion, she is angered, hurt, and generally overreacts. In an attempt to reconcile mother and daughter, Vivi's lifelong friendsTeensy (Fionnula Flanagan), Caro (Maggie Smith), and Necie (Shirley Knight)drug the Manhattan-based Sidda into flying down to their hometown in the deep south. With Sidda just miles away from the unsuspecting Vivi, she is introduced to the scrapbook entitled, "The Divine Secrets of the Ya-Ya Sisterhood." According to Teensy, Caro, and Necie, that book is the key to understanding the joys, compassion, sorrows, and flaws of Sidda's mother.
The narrative weaving of past and present is just one stylistic atrocity in a film overflowing with glaring missteps. As the younger, conflicted Vivi, Ashley Judd (2002's "High Crimes") appears throughout via sloppy, randomly frivolous flashbacks that hold little insight into who Vivi really is. One minute Vivi is warmly dancing with her daughter or going to crafty lengths to satisfy her, and the next she is cursing her children and beating them in the pouring rain with a belt. These mood swings are never fully explored, nor do we understand why she has them. Then again, we learn a sparse amount at all about Vivi, even though the whole picture centers around her. Judd, who has had infinitely better material in the past, at least gets to work with the blueprint of an actual person. The younger versions of Teensy (Jacqueline McKenzie), Caro (Katy Selverstone), and Necie (Kiersten Warren) drift into the background of their shots, and their bond with Vivi is not even described or made palpable. Furthermore, the younger and older versions of these three characters are so cursorily drawn as to be interchangeable with one another.
Rarely in a big-budget motion picture with such A-list stars has editing been so haphazardly rendered. Complete scenes are dropped into the middle of the story that lead literally nowhere. There is one sequenceno liein which Vivi's three friends abruptly throw her into their car to take her somewhere important, but no destination is reached before it cuts to the following day. The particulars of the story, which hopefully were more fleshed out in the book, prove confusing and occasionally do not make sense.
While some of the performances might have proved effective in a more tightly wound screenplay, the actors are forced to play types. Vivi, for example, has a short temper and jumps to a lot of conclusions. Sidda is resentful of her mother. Necie, Caro, and Teensy are the comic relief. Vivi's neglected husband, Shep (James Garner), and Sidda's Irish boyfriend, Connor (Angus McFadyen), are the token males. While the performers have energy, that is all they have. Only Sandra Bullock (2002's "Murder by Numbers"), as Sidda, delivers what could be considered a focused, well-modulated turn.
Although I hate the term, "chick flick," that is invariably what "Divine Secrets of the Ya-Ya Sisterhood" is, and it's a surprisingly bad one. Attempts at three-hanky melodrama are ineffectual and overly gooey, while the comedy is lame and predictable. After suffering through 116 minutes of this artificial gagfest, I was left still pondering what exactly the secrets of the Ya-Ya Sisterhood were, and why they were so damn divine in the first place.


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At times just about all cheap nike air force 1 should pick up a person's eye is often a tiny dash of colouring. That’s precisely the event with this fresh colorway from the Nike Atmosphere Push YOU Low. That lower top variant belonging to the typical Uptown comes draped inside a all-white household leather in the upper using eye-catching visits involving Dramatic Sulfur getting positioned on this Swoosh which in addition wraps around on the high heel hook. This other boot is usually in that case carried out throughout white wine such as laces, tongue, interior liner, midsole, and also outsole. Your Nike N7 effort may be the brand’s determination that will get activity plus most of its gains to help Indigenous Us as well as Aboriginal towns around the us along with The us. Endorsed pictures of a 2018 Nike Weather Power YOU Low N7 have got come up and the physical activities an exceptional stiched upper. Dipped within a wash mild bone conclude, the trainer is definitely contrasted by using charcoal Swooshes featuring light sewing, even though a new light plastic exclusive with a lot more charcoal accents comprehensive that basic nike air force 1 sale once and for all.

industry_corpus2: Sports


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We're delighted to have designed and directed puppetry for the James Plays for the National Theatre of Scotland, National Theatre of Great Britain. and the Edinburgh International Festival. We've created and directed puppetry for James II, the middle play in the trilogy of new plays written by Rona Munro and directed by NTS Artistic Director Laurie Sansom with set and costume designs by Jon Bausor.
The plays were presented at the Edinburgh International Festival in August 2014 and will play at the Olivier Theatre in London from September 2014. An ensemble cast play in all three shows and manipulate the puppets, designed by Mervyn Millar and made by Tracy Waller and Paul Vincett (of Stitches and Glue).


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Can A Tuxedo T-Shirt Really Cost $450?
Most men can count the cotton T-shirt as one of their wardrobe essentials but David Gandy is one of the rare few who can really make the cheap staple sing. And it’s not just because he’s a model. For one, his crewnecks always fit nicely, which is something a lot of guys get wrong, and for another, he uses the shirt as a minimalist style move instead of just throwing it on when he doesn’t want to try too hard. Here, a few styling tricks to steal from the British style legend.
Wearing a well-fitting T-shirt under a leather jacket, with slim pants and boots is a style move that goes back a long, long way. Gray is a smart choice too, since a white T-shirt under a black leather jacket can sometimes can feel a bit too severe of a swerve for some guys.
Your gray T-shirt is going to help you bring the stuffy parts of your wardrobe into more casual settings. Use it to dress down a gorgeous suit or even just a pair of nice trousers that you normally reserve for work. It’s a cool mashup and a hell of a lot more comfortable than a shirt and tie.
Dressing head to toe in one color is a move that’s going to instantly win you style points. If you’ve got a charcoal suit, trousers, or cardigan in your closet, use the gray T-shirt to make it a monochromatic look. You could even wear it with tailored charcoal sweats for a strategic take on a lazy Sunday outfit.


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Becky G & Rebbeca Marie Gomez, well known by her stage name Becky G, is an American rapper & singer, vocalist and on-screen character.
Becky G made standard progress with the arrival of “Shower” (2014), which went ahead to enter the best twenty of the Billboard Hot 100 outline.
One of her recordings grabbed the eye of maker Dr. Luke, who accordingly offered her a joint record manage Kemosabe Records and RCA Records.


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This video gives you an overview of three ways to study the Bible: devotionally, as an overview, and using commentaries for study. In addition to briefly discussing the value of each of these methods, the video introduces websites that will help you in each area. On our class YouTube channel (http://www.youtube/livelifebythebook) are additional videos that illustrate the use of the these websites.
Bible Commentaries are great resources for you as you study your Bible, but they are NOT the Bible. They are a good way to check out the ideas of the great Christian minds that have come before us, but they are not infallible. This short video gives you some reasons to read them and introduces you to a website where it’s easy to skim and compare content as well as do an in-depth study.
When you aren’t sure what a passage of scripture is about, checking classic Bible commentaries can help. This site has some of the best and a very easy way to switch between them.
For God’s Word to fill our minds and hearts, we need to read it every day. This brief video gives you reasons why and a link to a great little site that will send you a daily Bible reading on your mobile phone or computer. Below the first video is a little video tour of the recommended site.
This is a brief overview of the www.ewordtoday.com Bible Study site and what is on it. It provides a short Bible devotional today and links to many Bible versions, devotions and resources.
A good study Bible is an invaluable help to understand what you are reading. This one is my favorite because it links together all the verses on specific topics in the Bible. The best commentary on the Bible is the Bible and this Bible does that for you easily.
Though we’ve done some preliminary teaching about the Mormon church, with the new year we are starting the series, What is the Mormon Church……really? There is a tremendous amount of media about the church, most of it incomplete and misleading.
Our goal is to present, in a respectful way, the history of the church and what its true beliefs are. There is NO political agenda with this teaching, but a recognition that the topic gives us many opportunities to engage with our OIKOS (the people we interact with and influence, a very important concept at our church) in conversations. Particularly for those who do not go to church or know Jesus, this can give us an opportunity to present the real Jesus.
To understand anything you need to know its history.
To begin our study, we need to look at how the Mormon Church started and the assumptions upon which it is based. One of the most important of these is the concept of the Great Apostasy. In brief, this is the foundational idea in the Mormon Church that true Christianity ceased to be practiced on earth from the days of the last apostle until it was restored by Joseph Smith. The Christian Church (in all its denominations and branches, Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant) categorically disagrees with that statement. This lesson shows you why, both historically and from a Biblical basis. Below the video are PDFs (just click on the image and it will download to your computer) of both the notes and a full-size version of the PowerPoint slides used in the class (this makes the quotes easier to see).
Following is a pre-recorded video presentation of the PowerPoint lesson(not during the class, too many side comments, etc.).
We are told and often falsely believe that it isn’t kind or loving to think that God will send some people to hell. In the brief video below Rick McKinley, lead pastor of Imago Dei Community in Portland, Oregon, offers a biblical perspective on the flaws of universalism.
Universalism from :redux on Vimeo.

industry_corpus2: Subject Education


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text: Classic, but by no means outdated, Ballet is the very best foundation for all types of dance. Ballet teaches alignment, balance, individual expression, grace, and promotes a positive self image in our students. If you are a student of dance and looking for a great class, try BALLET.