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Cuban War of Independence
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Cuban War of Independence
An estimated 200,000 Cubans died in Spanish concentration camps.[1]
Date
February 24, 1895–February 15, 1898
(2 years, 11 months, 3 weeks and 1 day)
Location
Cuba (Caribbean)
Result
Cuban victory
American Intervention; Expulsion of the Spanish colonial government during Spanish–American War (1898).
Treaty of Paris
United States Military Government in Cuba
Cuban independence
Belligerents
Spain
Spanish Cuba
Spanish Philippines
Cuban nationalists
United States
Commanders and leaders
Arsenio Linares
Manuel Macías
Ramón Blanco
Valeriano Weyler
Patricio Montojo
Pascual Cervera Máximo Gómez
Calixto García
José Martí †
Antonio Maceo †
Nelson A. Miles
William Shafter
George Dewey
William T. Sampson
Strength
196,000[2]:255 53,774 rebels[2]:308
28,000–60,000 US regulars and 200,000+ volunteers[2]:255
Casualties and losses
786 killed in action[2]:308
8,627 DOW[2]:308
53,313 dead from disease[2]:308
900 killed in action (1898)[2]:255
5,180 Cuban insurgents died in combat
3,437 Cuban insurgents dead from disease[3]
385 US soldiers died in combat
2,061 US soldiers dead from disease[4]
300,000 total Cubans dead[5][6] (most of them civilian fatalities in the concentration camps)[2]:308
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The Cuban War of Independence (Spanish: Guerra de Independencia cubana, 1895–98) was the last of three liberation wars that Cuba fought against Spain, the other two being the Ten Years' War (1868–1878) and the Little War (1879–1880). The final three months of the conflict escalated to become the Spanish–American War, with United States forces being deployed in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippine Islands against Spain. Historians disagree as to the extent that United States officials were motivated to intervene for humanitarian reasons but agree that yellow journalism exaggerated atrocities attributed to Spanish forces against Cuban civilians.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 War
3 The Maine incident
4 The Spanish–American War
5 Peace
6 Analysis
7 See also
8 References
9 Further reading
Background
During the years 1869–1888 of the so-called “Rewarding Truce”, lasting for 17 years from the end of the Ten Years' War in 1878, there were fundamental social changes in Cuban society. With the abolition of slavery in October 1886, freedmen joined the ranks of farmers and the urban working class. The economy could no longer sustain itself with the shift and changes; therefore, many wealthy Cubans lost their property, and joined the urban middle class. The number of sugar mills dropped and efficiency increased: only companies, and the most powerful plantation owners, remained in business followed by the Central Board of Artisans in 1879, and many more across the island.[7] After his second deportation to Spain in 1878, José Martí moved to the United States in 1881. There he mobilized the support of the Cuban exile community, especially in Ybor City (Tampa area) and Key West, Florida. His goal was revolution in order to achieve independence from Spain. Martí lobbied against the U.S. annexation of Cuba, which was desired by some politicians in both the U.S. and Cuba.
After deliberations with patriotic clubs across the United States, the Antilles and Latin America, “El Partido Revolucionario Cubano” (The Cuban Revolutionary Party) was in a state of pendency and was affected by a growing fear that the U.S. government would try to annex Cuba before the revolution could liberate the island from Spain”.[8] A new trend of aggressive U.S. “influence” was expressed by Secretary of State James G. Blaine's suggestion that all of Central and South America would some day fall to the U.S.:
“That rich island”, Blaine wrote on 1 December 1881, “the key to the Gulf of Mexico, is, though in the hands of Spain, a part of the American commercial system… If ever ceasing to be Spanish, Cuba must necessarily become American and not fall under any other European domination”.[9]
Blaine’s vision did not allow the existence of an independent Cuba. “Martí noticed with alarm the movement to annex Hawaii, viewing it as establishing a pattern for Cuba…” [8]
War
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On December 25, 1894, three ships; the Lagonda, the Almadis and the Baracoa, set sail for Cuba from Fernandina Beach, Florida, loaded with soldiers and weapons. Two of the ships were seized by US authorities in early January, but the proceedings went ahead. Not to be dissuaded, on March 25, Martí presented the Manifesto of Montecristi, which outlined the policy for Cuba’s war of independence:
The war was to be waged by blacks and whites alike;
Participation of all blacks was crucial for victory;
Spaniards who did not object to the war effort should be spared,
Private rural properties should not be damaged; and
The revolution should bring new economic life to Cuba.
The insurrection began on February 24, 1895, with uprisings all across the island. In Oriente, the most important ones took place in Santiago, Guantánamo, Jiguaní, San Luis, El Cobre, El Caney, Alto Songo, Bayate, and Baire. The uprisings in the central part of the island, such as Ibarra, Jagüey Grande, and Aguada, suffered from poor coordination and failed; the leaders were captured, some of them deported and some executed. In the province of Havana, the insurrection was discovered before it was underway, and authorities detained its leaders. The insurgents further west in Pinar del Río were ordered by rebel leaders to wait.
On April 1 and 11, 1895, the main Mambi leaders landed on two expeditions in Oriente: Major General Antonio Maceo along with 22 members near Baracoa, and José Martí, Máximo Gómez and 4 other members in Playitas. Around that time, Spanish forces in Cuba numbered about 80,000, of which 20,000 were regular troops and 60,000 were Spanish and Cuban volunteer militia. The latter were a locally enlisted force that took care of most of the “guard and police” duties on the island. Wealthy landowners would “volunteer” a number of their slaves to serve in this force, which was under local control as militia and not under official military command. By December, Spain had sent 98,412 regular troops to the island, and the colonial government increased the Volunteer Corps to 63,000 men. By the end of 1897, there were 240,000 regulars and 60,000 irregulars on the island. The revolutionaries were far outnumbered.
The Mambises were named after the Negro Spanish officer, Juan Ethninius Mamby who joined the Dominican fight for independence in 1844. The Spanish soldiers referred to the insurgents in the Dominican Republic as “the men of Mamby” or “Mambies”. When Cuba’s first war of independence broke out in 1868, some of those same soldiers were assigned to Cuba; they brought along what by then become a derogatory Spanish slur for insurgents. The Cubans adopted the name with pride.
After the Ten Years' War, the government had forbidden possession of weapons by private individuals. From the beginning of the uprising, the rebels were hampered by the lack of suitable weapons. They compensated by using guerrilla-style fighting, based on quick raids and fades to the environment, the element of surprise, mounting their forces on fast horses, and using machetes against regular troops on the march. They acquired most of their weapons and ammunition in raids on the Spaniards. Between June 11, 1895, and November 30, 1897, out of sixty attempts to bring weapons and supplies to the rebels from outside the country, only one succeeded through the protection of the British. Twenty-eight ships were intercepted within U.S. territory; five were intercepted at sea by the U.S. Navy, and four by the Spanish Navy; two were wrecked; one was driven back to port by storm; the fate of another is unknown.
Martí was killed shortly after landing on May 19, 1895, at Dos Rios, but Máximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo fought on, taking the war to all parts of Oriente. By the end of June, all of Camagüey was at war. Based on new research in Cuban sources, historian John Lawrence Tone demonstrated that Gomez and Maceo were the first to force the civilian forces to choose sides. "Either they relocated to the east side of the islands, where the Cubans controlled the mountainous terrain, or they would be accused of supporting the Spanish and be subject to immediate trial and execution."[10] Continuing west, they were joined by 1868 war veterans, such as Polish internationalist General Carlos Roloff and Serafín Sánchez in Las Villas, who brought weapons, men and experience to the revolutionaries' arsenal.
In mid-September, representatives of the five Liberation Army Corps assembled in Jimaguayú, Camagüey to approve the “Jimaguayú Constitution.” They established a central government, which grouped the executive and legislative powers into one entity named “Government Council”, headed by Salvador Cisneros and Bartolomé Masó. After some time of consolidation in the three eastern provinces, the liberation armies headed for Camagüey and then Matanzas, outmaneuvering and deceiving the Spanish Army several times. They defeated Spanish Gen. Arsenio Martínez-Campos y Antón, who had gained victory in the Ten-Year War, and killed his most trusted general at Peralejo.
Campos tried the same strategy he had employed in the Ten Years' War, constructing a broad belt across the island, called the trocha, about 80 km long and 200 m wide. This defense line was to confine rebel activities to the eastern provinces. The belt was developed along a railroad from Jucaro in the south to Morón in the north. Campos built fortifications along this railroad at various points, and at intervals, 12 meters of posts and 400 meters of barbed wire. In addition, booby traps were placed at locations most likely to be attacked.
The rebels believed they had to take the war to the western provinces of Matanzas, Havana and Pinar del Rio, where the island's government and wealth were located. The Ten-Year War had failed because it had not managed to proceed beyond the eastern provinces. In a successful cavalry campaign overcoming the trochas, the revolutionaries invaded every province. Surrounding all larger cities and well-fortified towns, they arrived at the westernmost tip of the island on January 22, 1896, exactly three months after the invasion near Baraguá.
Campos was replaced by Gen. Valeriano Weyler. He reacted to the rebels' successes by introducing terror methods: periodic executions, mass exile of residents and forced concentration of them in certain cities or areas, and destruction of farms and crops. Weyler's methods reached their height on October 21, 1896, when he ordered all countryside residents and their livestock to gather within eight days in various fortified areas and towns occupied by his troops.
Death of Maceo in 1896
Hundreds of thousands of people had to leave their homes and were subjected to appalling and inhumane conditions in the crowded towns and cities. Together with the forced reconcentrations done by the rebels in the eastern provinces, it is estimated that 25 to 30 percent of the civilian population subjected to it died during the three years of warfare.[citation needed] Using a variety of sources, Tone estimates that civilian losses totaled 155,000 to 170,000 deaths, representing nearly 10 percent of the total population.[10]
Starting in the early 1880s, Spain had also suppressed an independence movement in the Philippines, which was intensifying. In effect, Spain was now fighting two wars, a heavy burden on its economy. In 1896 it turned down offers in secret negotiations by the United States to buy Cuba from Spain.
Maceo was killed December 7, 1896, in Havana province while returning from the west. As the war went on, the major obstacle to Cuban success was weapons supply. Although weapons and funding came from within the Cuban exile community and supporters in the United States, the supply operation violated American laws. These were enforced by the U.S. Coast Guard: of 71 attempted re-supply missions, only 27 got through; 5 were stopped by the Spanish, but 33 were stopped by the U.S. Coast Guard.
In 1897, the liberation army maintained a privileged position in Camagüey and Oriente, where the Spanish controlled only a few cities. Spanish Liberal leader Práxedes Mateo Sagasta admitted in May 1897: “After having sent 200,000 men and shed so much blood, we don’t own more land on the island than what our soldiers are stepping on”.[11] The rebel force of 3,000 defeated the Spanish in various encounters, such as the Battle of La Reforma, and forcing the surrender of Las Tunas on August 30. The Spaniards were kept on the defensive. Las Tunas had been guarded by over 1,000 well-armed and well-supplied men.
As stipulated at the Jimaguayü Assembly two years earlier, a second Constituent Assembly met in La Yaya, Camagüey, on October 10, 1897. The newly adopted constitution provided that military command was to be subordinated to civilian rule. The government was confirmed, naming Bartolomé Masó President and Domingo Méndez Capote Vice President.
Madrid decided to change its policy towards Cuba, and replaced Weyler. It also drew up a colonial constitution for Cuba and Puerto Rico, and installed a new government in Havana. But with half the country out of its control and the other half in arms, the colonial government was powerless and these changes were rejected by the rebels.
The Maine incident
Main article: USS Maine (ACR-1)
Wreckage of the Maine, 1898
The Cuban struggle for independence had captured the American imagination for years. Some newspapers had agitated for US intervention, especially because of its large financial investment, and featured sensational stories of Spanish atrocities against the native Cuban population, which were exaggerated for propaganda.
Such coverage continued after Spain had replaced Weyler and changed its policies. American public opinion was very much in favor of intervening on behalf of the Cubans.[12]
In January 1898, a riot by Cuban Spanish loyalists against the new autonomous government broke out in Havana. They destroyed the printing presses of four local newspapers that had published articles critical of Spanish Army atrocities. The U.S. Consul-General cabled Washington with fears for the lives of Americans living in Havana. In response, the battleship USS Maine was sent to Havana in the last week of January. On February 15, 1898, the Maine was rocked by an explosion, killing 258 of the crew and sinking the ship in the harbor. At the time, a military Board of Investigations decided that the Maine had exploded due to the detonation of a mine underneath the hull. However, later investigations decided that it was likely something inside the ship, though the cause of the explosion has not been clearly established to this day.[13]
In an attempt to appease the United States, the colonial government took two steps that had been demanded by President William McKinley: it ended forced relocation of residents from their homes and offered negotiations with the independence fighters. But the truce was rejected by the rebels.
The Spanish–American War
Main article: Spanish–American War
The sinking of the Maine sparked a wave of public indignation in the United States. Newspaper owners such as William R. Hearst leaped to the conclusion that Spanish officials in Cuba were to blame, and they widely publicized the conspiracy. Realistically, Spain could have had no interest in drawing the United States into the conflict.[14] Yellow journalism fueled American anger by publishing “atrocities” committed by Spain in Cuba. Hearst, when informed by Frederic Remington, whom he had hired to furnish illustrations for his newspaper, that conditions in Cuba were not bad enough to warrant hostilities, allegedly replied, “You furnish the pictures and I'll furnish the war”.[15] President McKinley, Speaker of the House Thomas Brackett Reed, and the business community opposed the growing public demand for war, which was lashed to fury by the yellow journalism. The American cry of the hour became, Remember the Maine, To Hell with Spain!
The decisive event was probably the speech of Senator Redfield Proctor, delivered on March 17, 1898, analyzing the situation and concluding that war was the only answer. The business and religious communities switched sides, leaving McKinley and Reed almost alone in their opposition to the war.[16][17] “Faced with a revved up, war-ready population, and all the editorial encouragement the two competitors could muster, the United States jumped at the opportunity to get involved and showcase its new steam-powered Navy”.[9]
On April 11, McKinley asked Congress for authority to send American troops to Cuba for the purpose of ending the civil war there. On April 19, Congress passed joint resolutions (by a vote of 311 to 6 in the House and 42 to 35 in the Senate) supporting Cuban independence and disclaiming any intention to annex Cuba, demanding Spanish withdrawal, and authorizing the president to use as much military force as he thought necessary to help Cuban patriots gain independence from Spain. This was adopted by resolution of Congress and included the Teller Amendment, named after Colorado Senator Henry Moore Teller, which passed unanimously, stipulating that “the island of Cuba is, and by right should be, free and independent”.[14] The amendment disclaimed any intention on the part of the United States to exercise jurisdiction or control over Cuba for other than pacification reasons, and confirmed that the armed forces would be removed once the war is over. The amendment, pushed through at the last minute by anti-imperialists in the Senate, made no mention of the Philippines, Guam, or Puerto Rico. Congress formally declared war on April 25. The Senate and House passed the amendment April 19, McKinley signed the joint resolution on April 20, and the ultimatum was forwarded to Spain. War was declared on April 20/21, 1898.
“It's been suggested that a major reason for the U.S. war against Spain was the fierce competition emerging between Joseph Pulitzer's New York World and William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal”. Joseph E. Wisan wrote in an essay titled “The Cuban Crisis As Reflected In The New York Press”, published in “American Imperialism” in 1898: “In the opinion of the writer, the Spanish–American War would not have occurred had not the appearance of Hearst in New York journalism precipitated a bitter battle for newspaper circulation.” It has also been argued that the main reason the United States entered the war was its failed attempt to purchase Cuba from Spain.[9]
Further information: Propaganda of the Spanish–American War
Hostilities started hours after the declaration of war when a contingent of US Navy ships under Admiral William T. Sampson blockaded several Cuban ports. The Americans decided to invade Cuba and to start in Oriente, where the Cubans had almost absolute control. They cooperated by establishing a beachhead and protecting the U.S. landing in Daiquiri. The first U.S. objective was to capture the city of Santiago de Cuba in order to destroy Linares' army and Cervera's fleet. To reach Santiago, the Americans had to pass through concentrated Spanish defences in the San Juan Hills and a small town in El Caney. Between June 22 and 24, 1898, the Americans landed under General William R. Shafter at Daiquirí and Siboney, east of Santiago, and established a base.
The port of Santiago became the main target of naval operations. The U.S. fleet attacking Santiago needed shelter from the summer hurricane season, thus nearby Guantánamo Bay, with its excellent harbor, was chosen for this purpose and attacked on June 6 (1898 invasion of Guantánamo Bay). The Battle of Santiago de Cuba on July 3, 1898 was the largest naval engagement during the Spanish–American War, resulting in the destruction of the Spanish Caribbean Squadron (Flota de Ultramar).
Resistance in Santiago consolidated around Fort Canosa,[18] All the while, major battles between Spaniards and Americans took place at Las Guasimas on June 24, El Caney and San Juan Hill on July 1, 1898, outside of Santiago.[19] after which the American advance ground to a halt. Spanish troops successfully defended Fort Canosa, allowing them to stabilize their line and bar the entry to Santiago. The Americans and Cubans forcibly began a bloody, strangling siege of the city[20] which eventually surrendered on July 16, after the defeat of the Spanish Caribbean Squadron. Thus, Oriente was under control of Americans, but U.S. General Nelson A. Miles would not allow Cuban troops to enter Santiago, claiming that he wanted to prevent clashes between Cubans and Spaniards. Thus, Cuban General Calixto García, head of the Mambi forces in the Eastern department, ordered his troops to hold their respective areas. He resigned over being excluded from entering Santiago, writing a letter of protest to General Shafter.[14]
Peace
After losing the Philippines and Puerto Rico, which had also been invaded by the United States, and with no hope of holding on to Cuba, Spain sued for peace on July 17, 1898.[21] On August 12, the United States and Spain signed a protocol of Peace, in which Spain agreed to relinquish all claim of sovereignty and title over Cuba.[22] On December 10, 1898, the United States and Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, which recognized Cuban independence.[23]
Although the Cubans had participated in the liberation efforts, the United States prevented Cuba from participating in the Paris peace talks and signing the treaty. The treaty set no time limit for U.S. occupation and the Isle of Pines was excluded from Cuba.[24] The treaty officially granted Cuba's independence, but U.S. General William R. Shafter refused to allow Cuban General Calixto García and his rebel forces to participate in the surrender ceremonies in Santiago de Cuba.[citation needed]
Analysis
Most Spanish historians argue that the insurgency could not have succeeded on its own. Cuban historians argue the Cubans were on the verge of winning in 1898 and needed no outside help.
See also
José Semidei Rodríguez
Juan Ríus Rivera
References
Jump up ^ "Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People, Volume II: Since 1863, Concise Edition"
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Clodfelter (2017). Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures, 1492-2015.
Jump up ^ Clodfelter, Michael, Warfare and Armed Conflict: A Statistical Reference to Casualty and Other Figures, 1618–1991
Jump up ^ Dept. of Defense, 1991 Information Please, World Almanac 1984
Jump up ^ Sheina, Robert L., Latin America's Wars: The Age of the Caudillo, 1791–1899 (2003)
Jump up ^ COWP: Correlates of War Project, University of Michigan
Jump up ^ Navarro (1998). History of Cuba. Havana. pp. 55–57
^ Jump up to: a b Foner, Philip: The Spanish–Cuban–American War and the Birth of American Imperialism quoted in: [1], History of Cuba
^ Jump up to: a b c Spanish–Cuban–American War – History of Cuba
^ Jump up to: a b Krohn, Jonathan. (May 2008) Review: "Caught in the Middle" John Lawrence Tone. War and Genocide in Cuba 1895–1898 (2006), H-Net, accessed 26 December 2014
Jump up ^ Navarro, José Cantón 1998. History of Cuba. Havana. p69
Jump up ^ PBS, Crucible of Empire: The Spanish–American War, pbs.org, retrieved 2007-12-15
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-08-18. Retrieved 2007-08-20.
^ Jump up to: a b c Navarro, José Cantón: History of Cuba, Havana, Cuba, 1998, p. 71
Jump up ^ W. Joseph Campbell (Summer 2000). "Not likely sent: The Remington–Hearst "telegrams"". Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly.
Jump up ^ Offner 1992 pp. 131–35
Jump up ^ Davis, Michelle Bray & Quimby, Rollin W. (1969), "Senator Proctor's Cuban Speech: Speculations on a Cause of the Spanish–American War", Quarterly Journal of Speech, 55 (2): 131–41, doi:10.1080/00335636909382938, ISSN 0033-5630.
Jump up ^ Daley#, L. 2000. El Fortin Canosa en la Cuba del 1898. in Los Ultimos Dias del Comienzo. Ensayos sobre la Guerra Hispano-Cubana-Estadounidense. B.E. Aguirre and E. Espina eds. RiL Editores, Santiago de Chile pp. 161–71.
Jump up ^ The Battles at El Caney and San Juan Hills, HomeOfHeroes.com.
Jump up ^ Daley 2000, pp. 161–71
Jump up ^ The Spanish–American War Centennial Website!, spanamwar.com, retrieved 2007-11-02
Jump up ^ Protocol of Peace Embodying the Terms of a Basis for the Establishment of Peace Between the Two Countries, Washington, D.C., August 12, 1898, retrieved 2007-10-30
Jump up ^ Treaty of peace between the United States and Spain, The Avalon project at Yale law School, December 10, 1898, archived from the original on November 6, 2007, retrieved 2007-10-30
Jump up ^ Navarro, José Cantón: History of Cuba, Havana, Cuba, 1998, p. 77
Further reading
Kagan, Robert, (2006) Dangerous Nation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf), pp. 357–416
Krohn, Jonathan. (May 2008) Review: "Caught in the Middle" John Lawrence Tone. War and Genocide in Cuba 1895–1898 (2006) [2], H-Net, May 2008
McCartney, Paul T. (2006) Power and Progress: American National Identity, the War of 1898, and the Rise of American Imperialism (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press), 87–142
Rice, Donald Tunnicliff. Cast in Deathless Bronze: Andrew Rowan, the Spanish–American War, and the Origins of American Empire. Morgantown WV: West Virginia University Press, 2016.
Silbey, David J. (2007) A War of Frontier and Empire: The Philippine–American War, 1899–1902 (New York: Hill and Wang), pp. 31–34.
Tone, John Lawrence. (2006) War and Genocide in Cuba 1895–1898, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina excerpt and text search
Trask, David F. The War with Spain in 1898 (1996) ch 1 excerpt and text search
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Forensic firearm examination
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Forensic firearm examination is the forensic process of examining the characteristics of firearms as well as any cartridges or bullets left behind at a crime scene. Specialists in this field are tasked with linking bullets and cartridges to weapons and weapons to individuals. Obliterated serial numbers can be raised and recorded in an attempt to find the registered owner of the weapon. Examiners can also look for fingerprints on the weapon and cartridges, and then viable prints can be processed through fingerprint databases for a potential match.
By examining unique striations, or markings, left behind on the bullet as it passes through the barrel and on the cartridge as it is hit by the firing pin, individual spent rounds can be linked back to a specific weapon. Known exemplars taken from a seized weapon can be directly compared to samples recovered from the scene using a comparison microscope. Striation images can also be uploaded to any existing national databases. Furthermore, these markings can be compared to other images in an attempt to link one weapon to multiple crime scenes. Like all forensic specialties, forensic firearm examiners are subject to being called to testify in court as expert witnesses.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Examination of the firearm
2.1 Fingerprint recovery
2.2 Serial number recovery
2.2.1 Magnetic particle inspection
2.2.2 Chemical restoration
3 Examination of cartridges
4 Examination of bullets
4.1 Class characteristics
4.2 Individual characteristics
5 Striation databasing
6 Criticisms
7 See also
8 References
History[edit]
The ability to compare ammunition is a direct result of the invention of rifling around the turn of the 16th century.[1] By forcing the bullet to spin as it travels down the barrel of the weapon the bullet's accuracy greatly increases. At the same time, the rifling leaves marks on the bullet that are indicative of that particular barrel. Prior to mass production of firearms, each barrel and bullet mold was hand made by gunsmiths making them unique.[2] The first successful documented case of forensic firearm examination occurred in 1835 when a member of the Bow Street Runners in London matched a recovered bullet from a murder victim to a specific mold in a suspect's home confirming that he made the bullet. Further evidence that the bullet maker was the perpetrator was found in his home and he was convicted.[1] As manufacturing and automation replaced hand tools, the ability to compare bullets became impossible due to the standardization of molds within a specific company. However, experts in the field postulated that there were microscopic differences on each barrel left during the manufacturing process. These differences were a result of wear on the machines and since each new weapon caused a tiny amount of wear, each barrel would be slightly different from every other barrel produced by that company.[2] Also, each bullet fired from a specific barrel would be printed with the same marks, allowing investigators to identify the weapon that fired a specific bullet.[3]
One of the first uses of this knowledge was in 1915 to exonerate Charles Stielow of the murder of his neighbors. Stielow was sentenced to death and appealed to Charles S. Whitman, the Governor of New York, who was not convinced by the evidence used to convict Stielow. Whitman halted the execution until an inquiry could be conducted and after further examination it was shown that Stielow's firearm could not have fired the bullets recovered from the victims.[4] The invention of the comparison microscope by Calvin Goddard and Phillip O. Gravelle in 1925 modernized the forensic examination of firearms.[5] Simultaneous comparison of two different objects at the same time allowed to closely examine striations for matches and therefore make a more definitive statement as to whether or not they matched.
One of the first true tests of this new technology was in the aftermath of the Saint Valentine's Day Massacre in 1929. During the Prohibition Era, competing gang members were fighting over bootlegging operations within the city of Chicago. Members of the Chicago Outfit and the Egan's Rats led by Al Capone attempted to remove all competition from Chicago by eliminating the North Side Gang leader Bugs Moran.[6][7] The massacre missed Moran, who was not present, but killed seven members of the North Side Gang. The murderers attempted to cover up their crime by posing as police officers, even dressing in police uniforms.[7] Witnesses saw two "officers" leaving the scene, which implicated the Chicago police department as the perpetrators of the massacre. High levels of police corruption during that time period made it seem likely that the police department committed the killings.[7] The investigation stalled until December 1929 when Fred Burke, a member of the Egan's Rats, shot and killed a police officer in St. Joseph, Michigan. Officers searching for Burke were led to a home in nearby Stevensville. While Burke was not there, inside officers found an arsenal of weapons including two Thompson submachine guns.[7] The Chicago police department was contacted and the weapons were brought back to Chicago for testing. Goddard was asked to compare the weapons to collected evidence found at the massacre using his new "ballistic-forensics" technique. After test firing the guns, Goddard proved that the weapons were those used to kill the members of the North Side Gang, absolving the Chicago police department of all involvement.[7] The successful use of Goddard's technique resulted in the solidification of his place as the father of forensic firearm examination.[8]
Examination of the firearm[edit]
Multiple serial numbers provide redundancy and make it difficult to fully remove the numbers from a weapon.
Any firearm collected during the course of an investigation could yield viable evidence if examined. For forensic firearm examination specific evidence that can be recovered include weapon serial numbers and potentially fingerprints left on the weapon's surface.
Fingerprint recovery[edit]
Fingerprint recovery from the surface of firearms is done with cyanoacrylate (more commonly known as superglue) fuming.[9] Firearms are placed in a specially designed fume hood designed to evenly distribute fumes instead of removing them. Liquid superglue is placed in a container and heated until it is in a gaseous state. The circulating fumes adhere to the oils left behind by the fingerprint, turning the print white.[10] The resulting white print can be enhanced with fingerprint powder to increase the contrast of the white print against the weapon's finish.[9] While using the fuming technique on recovered guns is commonplace, the recovery of fingerprints from the surfaces of a firearm is challenging due to the textured grip and the general condition of recovered weapons.[9][11] If fingerprints are recovered, they can be processed through fingerprint databases such as the Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System (IAFIS). Various parts of the recovered weapon can also be tested for touch DNA left by whomever handled it. However, the low levels of DNA that can be recovered presents numerous issues such as contamination and analysis anomalies such as allele drop-out and drop-in.[12]
Serial number recovery[edit]
Serial numbers became commonplace after the United States passed the Gun Control Act of 1968. This law mandated that all guns manufactured or imported into the country have a serial number.[13]:1223 Prior to 1968, many firearms either did not have a serial number or the serial numbers were not unique and were reused by a manufacturer on multiple firearms.[14] If a recovered weapon has had the serial numbers altered or destroyed, examiners can attempt to recover the original numbers. The two main methods for the restoration of serial numbers are magnetic particle inspection and chemical restoration.[15] It is recommended that magnetic particle inspection be performed first due to the nondestructive nature of the method.[16] If magnetic particle inspection fails, chemical restoration is the next step in the forensic analysis.
If the serial number is successfully restored it can be used to help investigators track the weapon's history, as well as potentially determine who owns the weapon. Firearm databases such as the National Crime Information Center of the United States and INTERPOL's Firearm Reference Table can be used by investigators to track weapons that have been lost, stolen, or used previously in other crimes.[17][18]
Magnetic particle inspection[edit]
Originally developed as a method to detect flaws or irregularities in magnetic materials, magnetic particle inspection can be used on firearms to visualize the serial number underneath the obliterated area.[16] When performing this technique, examiners place the weapon in a magnetic field. The irregularities in the metal, in this case the serial number, cause the field to deform.[16] When a solution of ferrous particles is added to the weapon's magnetized surface they will be attracted to the area where the magnetic field has deformed and will build up in the area.[19] If fluorescent particles are added to the ferrous solution, ultraviolet light can be used to make it easier to visualize any recovered serial number.[19]
Chemical restoration[edit]
Chemical restoration is a type of chemical milling. Typically, chemical milling is used to slowly remove material to create a desired shape. In serial number restoration, small amounts of metal are removed until the serial number is brought back to the surface. This can be performed due to the depth that serial numbers are engraved into the weapon. However, chemical restoration is limited by that depth and is only successful when the obliteration of the serial number is superficial.[20] Examiners performing a restoration first sand the area where the serial number used to be. This removes any debris from the area left when the serial number was obliterated.[21] The examiner then chooses a chemical, usually an acid,[21] that will be used to slowly bring the number back to the surface. The type of chemical that is used depends on the material the weapon is made of. These acids can range from Fry's Reagent for a magnetic metal,[15] which is a mixture of hydrochloric acid, cupric chloride, and distilled water,[22] to an acidic ferric chloride solution for a non-magnetic, non-aluminum material.[15]
Examination of cartridges[edit]
Two test-fired cartridges under magnification. Matching striations can be seen.
Spent cartridges found at a scene can be examined for physical evidence such as fingerprints or compared to samples that match them to a weapon. The examination of the cartridge relies on the unique tool marks left by the various parts of the weapon including the firing pin and the ejector in semi and fully automatic firearms. These markings can be compared and matched to known exemplars fired from the same weapon using the same parts.[23]:151 The examination of the marks left on the cartridge is done using a comparison microscope. Examiners view the questioned cartridge and the known exemplar simultaneously, looking for similar microscopic marks left during the firing process.[23]:152
Example of microstamping. Insert shows a close up of the serial number imprinted into the cartridge.
Cartridges are also routinely examined for fingerprints as the act of loading the ammunition into the magazine, or chamber, leaves recoverable impressions. These fingerprints can survive the firing processes and, while a rare occurrence, fingerprints have been obtained from cartridges recovered from the scene.[24] Cartridges are subjected to cyanoacrylate fuming and examined for any usable prints. Usable prints are photographed and can be uploaded to fingerprint databases such as IAFIS for comparison with known exemplars. Cartridges can also be swabbed for trace DNA left by the individual who loaded the magazine. The extremely low levels of recoverable DNA present the same issues as swabbing a firearm for DNA.[12]
Advancements in microscopic stamping have led to a push for the inclusion of firing pin microstamping.[25]:16 The microstamp is etched onto the firing pin and is transferred to the cartridge during the firing process. Each firing pin would have a unique serial number allowing investigators to trace casings found at a crime scene to a known firearm.[25]:17 The practice is not in use as of 2018[update], although California has enacted legislation that requires microstamping on all newly sold firearms.[26] The law, and microstamping in general, has received significant opposition from gun manufacturers due to increased costs associated with introducing the microstamps into the manufacturing lines.[27]
Examination of bullets[edit]
Rifing pattern for a Remington rifle showing a clockwise (right-handed) twist.
Class characteristics[edit]
Preliminary examination of the bullet can exclude a large number of weapons by examining the general characteristics of a recovered bullet. By determining general aspects of the fired ammunition, a number of weapons can be immediately excluded as being incapable of firing that type of bullet. The make and model of the weapon can also be inferred from the combination of different class characteristics that are common to specific manufactures.[28]:32 The three main class characteristics of all bullets are the lands and grooves, the caliber of the bullet, and the rifling twist.[29] All three can be tied directly to the type of barrel that was used to fire the bullet.[29] The lands and grooves of barrel are the bumps and valleys created when the rifling is created. The caliber is the diameter of the barrel. The twist is the direction of the striations left by the barrel's rifling, clockwise (right-handed) or counterclockwise (left-handed). Most barrels will have a right-handed twist with the exception of weapons created by the Colt's Manufacturing Company which uses left-handed twists.[28]:29 Weapon barrels that match the class characteristics of recovered bullets can be examined further for individual characteristics to determine if the bullet came from that particular weapon.
Individual characteristics[edit]
In order to compare individual striations, examiners must obtain a known sample using the seized weapon. For slower-traveling bullets, such as pistols or revolvers, known bullet exemplars are created by firing the weapon into a water tank.[30] The spent bullet can be recovered, intact, as the water slows down the bullet before it can reach the tank walls, allowing for it to be recovered. For faster traveling bullets, such as those fired from high-powered rifles and military style weapons, water tanks cannot be used as the tank will not provide enough stopping power for the projectiles.[31] To examine these weapons, investigators must fire them at a target at a controlled range with enough backing to stop the bullet and collect the spent round after it has been fired.[30]
Once a known exemplar is produced, the evidence sample can be compared to the known by examining both at the same time with a comparison microscope. Striations that line up are examined more closely, looking for multiple consecutive matches. There is no set number of consecutive matches that equates to a match declaration, and examiners are trained to use the phrase "sufficient agreement" when testifying. The degree to which an examiner can make that determination is based on their training and expertise.[23]:153 All findings by examiners are subject to questioning by both sides, prosecution and defense, during testimony in court.
Striation databasing[edit]
Bullets and casings found at a scene require a known example to compare to in order to match them to a weapon. Without a weapon, the striation pattern can be uploaded to a database such as the National Integrated Ballistic Identification Network (NIBIN) maintained by the ATF or the United Kingdom's National Ballistics Intelligence Service (NABIS). Information uploaded to these databases can be used to track gun crimes and to link crimes together.[32][33] Maintainers of these databases recommend that every recovered firearm be test fired and the resulting known exemplar be uploaded into the database.[34]
Criticisms[edit]
Firearm examiners have attempted to determine the shooter's position by the location of spent bullet casings. The use of ejection pattern studies were originally part of incident reconstruction and methods for determining shooter location continue to be explained in major crime scene examination books.[35] However, the validity of ejection pattern analysis has been brought into question by multiple studies that look at the reproducibility and end determination of shooter position by qualified examiners. Studies have shown that over 25% of spent casings land somewhere other than to the right and rear of the shooter.[36] This is the most commonly accepted location for where spent cartridge casings should fall, and the large percentage of casings that end up somewhere else raises concerns for the validity of the examination technique. Investigators should only present a location gained from an ejection pattern study as a tentative estimate when using the information in a courtroom setting.[36]
Prior to September 2005, comparative bullet-lead analysis was performed on bullets found at a scene that were too destroyed for striation comparison. The technique would attempt to determine the unique elemental breakdown of the bullet and compare it to seized bullets possessed by a suspect.[37] Review of the method found that the breakdown of elements found in bullets could be significantly different enough to potentially allow for two bullets from separate sources to be correlated to each other. However, there are not enough differences to definitely match a bullet from a crime scene to one taken from a suspect's possession.[38] An additional report in 2004 from the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) found that the testimony given regarding comparative bullet-lead analysis was overstated and potentially "misleading under the federal rules of evidence".[37] In 2005, the Federal Bureau of Investigation indicated that they would no longer be performing this type of analysis.[39]
Further criticism came from the 2009 NAS report on the current state of various forensic fields in the United States. The report's section on firearm examination focused on the lack of defined requirements that are necessary in order to determine "matches" between known and unknown striations. The NAS stated that, "sufficient studies have not been done to understand the reliability and repeatability of the methods."[23]:154 Without defined procedures on what is and what isn't considered "sufficient agreement" the report states that forensic firearm examination contains fundamental problems that need to be addressed by the forensic community through a set of repeatable scientific studies that outline standard operating procedures that should be adopted by all firearm examiners.[23]:155 Another report issued in 2016 by the United States President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology confirmed the NAS's findings, finding only one appropriately designed study that examined the rate of false positives and reliability amongst firearm examiners.[40]
See also[edit]
Ballistics
Crime reconstruction
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Hamby, James (Summer 1999). "The History of Firearm and Toolmark Identification". Association of Firearm and Tool Mark Examiners Journal. 31 (3). Retrieved January 16, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Steele, Lisa (2008). "Ballistics" (PDF). Science for Lawyers. American Bar Association. Retrieved January 19, 2016.
Jump up ^ Thompson, Robert (2010). "Firearm Identification in the Forensic Science Laboratory" (PDF). National District Attorneys Association. Retrieved January 19, 2016.
Jump up ^ Borchard, Edwin (1932). "Stielow and Green" (PDF). Convicting the Innocent: Errors of Criminal Justice. New Haven Yale University Press. Retrieved January 20, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Comparison Microscopy". National Forensic Science Technology Center. Retrieved June 25, 2016.
Jump up ^ O'Brien, John (February 14, 2014). "The St. Valentine's Day Massacre". The Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016. Retrieved June 25, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Ashcroft, Brent. "St. Valentine's Day Massacre: Tale of two guns". WZZM13. Retrieved June 25, 2016.
Jump up ^ Rasmussen, Frederick N. (February 12, 2011). "Baltimore native helped solve 1929 St. Valentine's Day Massacre". The Baltimore Sun. Retrieved June 25, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c "In the Public Eye: Finding Fingerprints on Firearms is Actually Very Rare". Forensic Magazine. September 2, 2015. Retrieved May 31, 2016.
Jump up ^ "CYANOACRYLATE (SUPERGLUE) FUMING". Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension. Retrieved May 31, 2016.
Jump up ^ Gulick, Gary (May–June 2008). "Lifting Latent Fingerprints from Difficult Surfaces". Evidence Technology Magazine. 6 (3). Retrieved January 9, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b "Development of STR profiles from firearms and fired cartridge cases". Forensic Science International: Genetics. 3 (4): 242–250. September 2009. doi:10.1016/j.fsigen.2009.02.007.
Jump up ^ "Public Law 90-618: To amend title 18, United States Code, to provide for better control of the interstate traffic in firearms" (PDF). October 22, 1968. pp. 1213–1236. Retrieved May 31, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Firearms Tracing Guide". Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives. November 2011. Retrieved January 9, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Technical Procedure for Serial Number Restoration". North Carolina State Crime Laboratory. September 5, 2014. Retrieved January 10, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c Walker, Robert E. (2013). Cartridges and Firearm Identification. CRC Press. Retrieved July 3, 2016.
Jump up ^ "INTERPOL Firearms Reference Table (IFRT)". INTERPOL. Retrieved January 12, 2016.
Jump up ^ "NCIC Files". Federal Bureau of Investigation. Archived from the original on February 20, 2016. Retrieved January 12, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Utrata, Dave; Johnson, Marcus (October 2003). "Magnetic Particle Recovery of Serial Numbers". Midwest Forensics Resource Center. Retrieved July 4, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Iowa Division of Criminal Investigation Criminalistics Laboratory Firearm & Toolmark Section Restoration of Obliterated Serial Numbers". Iowa Division of Criminal Investigation. Retrieved July 2, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b "Serial Number Restoration". Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension. Retrieved July 2, 2016.
Jump up ^ "FEU08 – SOP for Serial Number Restoration of Obliterated Stampings in Various Metal Surfaces" (PDF). District of Columbia Department of Forensic Sciences. November 26, 2013. p. 2. Retrieved December 17, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e National Research Council (2009). Strengthening Forensic Science in the United States: A Path Forward (PDF). National Academies Press. ISBN 0-309-13131-6. Retrieved June 12, 2016.
Jump up ^ Randerson, James (June 3, 2008). "Forensics: Fingerprints can be recovered from fired bullet casings". The Guardian. Retrieved June 18, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Cracking the Case: The Crime-Solving Promise of Ballistic Identification (PDF) (Report). The Education Fund to Stop Gun Violence. June 2004. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 14, 2008. Retrieved June 18, 2016.
Jump up ^ Crime Gun Identification, Bill No. 1471 of 2007. Retrieved on June 18, 2016.
Jump up ^ Mather, Kate (January 23, 2014). "Smith & Wesson says it won't follow California 'microstamping' law". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved June 18, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b DiMaio, Vincent J.M. (2016). Gunshot Wounds: Practical Aspects of Firearms, Ballistics, and Forensic Techniques (3rd ed.). CRC Press. Retrieved June 4, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b "Firearms & Tool Mark". North Carolina Department of Justice. Retrieved June 4, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b "Firearms and Toolmarks in the FBI Laboratory". Forensic Science Communications. 2 (2). April 2000. Archived from the original on September 20, 2015. Retrieved June 5, 2016.
Jump up ^ Fisher, Barry A.J.; Tilstone, William J.; Woytowicz, Catherine (2009). Introduction to Criminalistics: The Foundation of Forensic Science. Elsevier Academic Press. p. 39. Retrieved June 5, 2016.
Jump up ^ Thomas, Dylan (February 25, 2016). "A high-tech approach to tracking gun crimes". Southwest Journal. Retrieved June 20, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Intelligence service links 350 guns to crimes". BBC News. January 11, 2010. Retrieved June 20, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Bullets, Casings, and You". Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives. Retrieved June 21, 2016.
Jump up ^ Gardner, Ross (2012). Practical Crime Scene Processing and Investigation (2nd ed.). CRC Press. pp. 300–301. Retrieved May 28, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Lewinski, William; Hudson, William; Karwoski, David; Redmann, Christa (November 2010). "Fired Cartridge Case Ejection Patterns From Semi-Automatic Firearms" (PDF). Investigative Sciences Journal. 2 (3). Retrieved May 28, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Solomon, John (November 18, 2007). "FBI's Forensic Test Full of Holes". The Washington Post. Retrieved December 28, 2016.
Jump up ^ Randich, Erik; Duerfeldt, Wayne; McLendon, Wade; Tobin, William (July 17, 2002). "A Metallurgical Review of the Interpretation of Bullet Lead Compositional Analysis". Forensic Science International. 127 (3): 174–191. doi:10.1016/S0379-0738(02)00118-4.
Jump up ^ "FBI Laboratory Announces Discontinuation of Bullet Lead Examinations" (Press release). FBI National Press Office. September 1, 2005. Retrieved December 28, 2016.
Jump up ^ Forensic Science in Criminal Courts: Ensuring Scientific Validity of Feature-Comparison Methods (PDF) (Report). President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology. September 2016. pp. 104–114. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 12, 2017. Retrieved December 31, 2016.
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