text:
I Wanna Be the Only One
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"I Wanna Be the Only One"
Single by Eternal featuring BeBe Winans
from the album Before the Rain
Released
19 May 1997
Recorded
1996
Genre
R&B, gospel
Length
4:18 (album version)
3:36 (radio edit)
Label
EMI
Songwriter(s)
BeBe Winans and James "Rhett" Lawrence
Producer(s)
Nigel Lowis
Eternal featuring BeBe Winans singles chronology
"Don't You Love Me"
(1997) "I Wanna Be the Only One"
(1997) "Angel of Mine"
(1997)
"Don't You Love Me"
(1997) "I Wanna Be the Only One"
(1997) "Angel of Mine"
(1997)
Alternative Cover
UK CD2
"I Wanna Be the Only One" is a song by British R&B girl group Eternal. It was the third single released from their album Before the Rain. Topping the UK Singles Chart, the release became the group's third collaboration with BeBe Winans, who produced 1994's "Crazy" (from Always & Forever) and 1995's "It Will Never End" (from Power of a Woman).
"I Wanna Be the Only One" became Eternal's biggest hit to date: it was the third most played song on British radio and the most played song on European radio by a UK act in 1997. It earned Eternal a MOBO Award and Capital FM Award for Best Single. It was also nominated for Best Single at the BRIT Awards. As of May 2017, the song has sold 650,000 copies in the UK.[1][2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Track listing
2 Charts
2.1 Weekly charts
2.2 Year-end charts
3 Certifications
4 References
5 External links
Track listing[edit]
CD1
"I Wanna Be the Only One" (Radio Edit) 3:36 (Horns by Gary Barnacle, Stuart Brooks and Andy Rogers)
"A Friend Is a Friend" 4:10
"Show Me" 4:28
"Don't You Love Me" (French Remix) 3:37
CD2
"I Wanna Be the Only One"
"I Wanna Be the Only One" (Black Box Lelewel 'Til The End Mix)
"I Wanna Be the Only One" (Paul Gotel Dark Skies Mix)
"I Wanna Be the Only One" (SPS Cained Mix)
"I Wanna Be the Only One" (Blacksmith "Eternal's Mix Tape")
Charts[edit]
Weekly charts[edit]
Chart (1997)
Peak
position
Australia (ARIA)[3]
10
Austria (Ö3 Austria Top 40)[4]
6
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Flanders)[5]
7
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Wallonia)[6]
16
France (SNEP)[7]
6
Germany (Official German Charts)[8]
14
Iceland (Íslenski Listinn Topp 40)[9]
27
Ireland (IRMA)[10]
3
Netherlands (Dutch Top 40)[11]
3
Netherlands (Single Top 100)[12]
2
New Zealand (Recorded Music NZ)[13]
3
Norway (VG-lista)[14]
3
Scotland (Official Charts Company)[15]
1
Sweden (Sverigetopplistan)[16]
6
Switzerland (Schweizer Hitparade)[17]
7
UK Singles (Official Charts Company)[18]
1
Year-end charts[edit]
Chart (1997)
Position
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Flanders)[19]
34
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Wallonia)[20]
58
France (SNEP)[21]
32
Germany (Official German Charts)[22]
61
Netherlands (Single Top 100)[23]
12
New Zealand (Recorded Music NZ)[24]
14
Switzerland (Schweizer Hitparade)[25]
11
UK Singles (Official Charts Company)[26]
8
Chart (1998)
Position
Australia (ARIA)[27]
66
Preceded by
"You're Not Alone" by Olive UK Singles Chart number-one single
25 May 1997 - 31 May 1997 Succeeded by
"MMMBop" by Hanson
|-
Certifications[edit]
Region
Certification
Certified units/Sales
Australia (ARIA)[28]
Gold 35,000^
Belgium (BEA)[29]
Gold 25,000*
New Zealand (RMNZ)[30]
Gold 5,000*
Norway (IFPI Norway)[31]
Platinum 10,000*
Sweden (GLF)[32]
Gold 15,000^
United Kingdom (BPI)[33]
Platinum 600,000^
*sales figures based on certification alone
^shipments figures based on certification alone
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Copsey, Rob (25 May 2017). "Official Chart Flashback 1997: Eternal score their long-awaited Number 1". Official Charts Company. Retrieved 25 May 2017.
Jump up ^ Myers, Justin (28 May 2015). "Number 1 today in 1997: Eternal – I Wanna Be The Only One". Official Charts Company. Retrieved 8 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "Australian-charts.com – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be The Only One". ARIA Top 50 Singles.
Jump up ^ "Austriancharts.at – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be The Only One" (in German). Ö3 Austria Top 40.
Jump up ^ "Ultratop.be – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be The Only One" (in Dutch). Ultratop 50.
Jump up ^ "Ultratop.be – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be The Only One" (in French). Ultratop 50.
Jump up ^ "Lescharts.com – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be The Only One" (in French). Les classement single.
Jump up ^ "Musicline.de – Eternal Single-Chartverfolgung" (in German). Media Control Charts. PhonoNet GmbH.
Jump up ^ "Íslenski Listinn NR. 230 Vikuna 17.7. '97 - 23.7. '97" (PDF). Dagblaðið Vísir. 18 July 1997. p. 22. Retrieved 8 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "The Irish Charts (Search by artist: Eternal)". Irish Singles Chart. Irish Recorded Music Association. Retrieved 8 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "Nederlandse Top 40 – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans" (in Dutch). Dutch Top 40. Retrieved 8 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Dutchcharts.nl – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be the Only One" (in Dutch). Single Top 100. Retrieved 2017-12-14.
Jump up ^ "Charts.org.nz – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be the Only One". Top 40 Singles.
Jump up ^ "Norwegiancharts.com – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be the Only One". VG-lista.
Jump up ^ "Official Scottish Singles Sales Chart Top 100". Official Charts Company.
Jump up ^ "Swedishcharts.com – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be the Only One". Singles Top 100.
Jump up ^ "Swisscharts.com – Eternal feat. Bebe Winans – I Wanna Be the Only One". Swiss Singles Chart.
Jump up ^ "Eternal: Artist Chart History". Official Charts Company.
Jump up ^ "ultratop.be - ULTRATOP BELGIAN CHARTS: jaaroverzichten 1997". Ultratop. Retrieved 15 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "ultratop.be - ULTRATOP BELGIAN CHARTS: rapports annuels 1997". Ultratop. Retrieved 15 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "Classement Singles - année 1997" (in French). SNEP. Archived from the original on September 15, 2012. Retrieved December 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ "TOP 100 SINGLE-JAHRESCHARTS (1997)". Official German Charts. Retrieved 15 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "JAAROVERZICHTEN - SINGLE 1997". Single Top 100. Retrieved 15 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "End of Year Charts 1997". Recorded Music NZ. Retrieved 4 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "Swiss Year End Charts 1997". Swiss Music Charts. Hung Medien. Archived from the original on February 4, 2004. Retrieved December 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Top 100 1997 - UK Music Charts". Official Charts Company. Retrieved 15 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "ARIA Charts - End of Year Charts - Top 100 Singles 1998". ARIA Charts. Retrieved 15 December 2017.
Jump up ^ "ARIA Charts – Accreditations – 1998 Singles". Australian Recording Industry Association.
Jump up ^ "Ultratop − Goud en Platina – 1997". Ultratop. Hung Medien.
Jump up ^ "New Zealand single certifications – Eternal – I Wanna Be the Only One". Recorded Music NZ.
Jump up ^ "Norwegian single certifications – Eternal – I Wanna Be the Only One" (in Norwegian). IFPI Norway.
Jump up ^ "Guld- och Platinacertifikat − År 1987−1998" (PDF) (in Swedish). IFPI Sweden.
Jump up ^ "British single certifications – Eternal – I Wanna Be the Only One". British Phonographic Industry. Enter I Wanna Be the Only One in the search field and then press Enter.
External links[edit]
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=I_Wanna_Be_the_Only_One&oldid=835440257"
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International relations
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
"International Relations" redirects here. For the academic journal, see International Relations (journal).
"International affairs" redirects here. For the academic journal, see International Affairs (journal). For other uses, see International affairs (disambiguation).
In 2012 alone, the Palace of Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, hosted more than 10,000 intergovernmental meetings.[1] The city hosts the highest number of International organizations in the world.[2]
The field of international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides.
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International relations (IR) or international affairs, depending on academic institution, is either a field of political science, an interdisciplinary academic field similar to global studies, or an entirely independent academic discipline in which students take a variety of internationally focused courses in social science and humanities disciplines. In all cases, the field studies relationships between political entities (polities) such as sovereign states, inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), other non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and multinational corporations (MNCs), and the wider world-systems produced by this interaction. International relations is an academic and a public policy field, and so can be positive and normative, because it analyses and formulates the foreign policy of a given state.
As political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides (c. 460–395 BC), and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field (no. 5901 in the 4-digit UNESCO Nomenclature) within political science. In practice, international relations and international affairs forms a separate academic program or field from political science, and the courses taught therein are highly interdisciplinary.[3]
For example, international relations draws from the fields of: technology and engineering, economics, communication studies, history, international law, demography, philosophy, geography, social work, sociology, anthropology, criminology, psychology, gender studies, cultural studies, culturology, and diplomacy. The scope of international relations comprehends globalization, diplomatic relations, state sovereignty, international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, nationalism, economic development, global finance, as well as terrorism and organized crime, human security, foreign interventionism, and human rights, as well, as, more recently, comparative religion.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Study of international relations
2 Theory
2.1 Normative theory
2.2 Epistemology and IR theory
2.3 Positivist theories
2.3.1 Realism
2.3.2 Liberalism
2.3.3 Neoliberalism
2.3.4 Regime theory
2.4 Post-positivist/reflectivist theories
2.4.1 International society theory (the English school)
2.4.2 Social constructivism
2.4.3 Feminism
2.4.4 Marxism
2.5 Leadership theories
2.5.1 Interest group perspective
2.5.2 Strategic perspective
2.5.3 Inherent bad faith model
2.6 Post-structuralist theories
3 Levels of analysis
3.1 Systemic level concepts
3.1.1 Sovereignty
3.1.2 Power
3.1.3 National interest
3.1.4 Non-state actors
3.1.5 Power blocs
3.1.5.1 Polarity
3.1.6 Interdependence
3.1.7 Dependency
3.1.8 Systemic tools of international relations
3.2 Unit-level concepts in international relations
3.2.1 Regime type
3.2.2 Revisionism/status quo
3.2.3 Religion
3.3 Individual or sub-unit level concepts
4 Institutions in international relations
4.1 Generalist inter-state organizations
4.1.1 United Nations
4.1.2 Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
4.1.3 Other
4.2 Economic institutions
4.3 International legal bodies
4.3.1 Human rights
4.3.2 Legal
4.4 Regional security arrangements
5 See also
6 Notes and references
7 Bibliography
7.1 Theory
7.2 Textbooks
7.3 History of international relations
8 External links
History[edit]
See also: International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)
The history of international relations can be traced back to thousands of years ago; Barry Buzan and Richard Little, for example, consider the interaction of ancient Sumerian city-states, starting in 3,500 BC, as the first fully-fledged international system.[4]
The official portraits of King Władysław IV dressed according to French, Spanish and Polish fashion reflects the complex politics of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth during the Thirty Years' War
The history of international relations based on sovereign states is often traced back to the Peace of Westphalia of 1648, a stepping stone in the development of the modern state system. Prior to this the European medieval organization of political authority was based on a vaguely hierarchical religious order. Contrary to popular belief, Westphalia still embodied layered systems of sovereignty, especially within the Holy Roman Empire.[5] More than the Peace of Westphalia, the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713 is thought to reflect an emerging norm that sovereigns had no internal equals within a defined territory and no external superiors as the ultimate authority within the territory's sovereign borders.
The centuries of roughly 1500 to 1789 saw the rise of the independent, sovereign states, the institutionalization of diplomacy and armies. The French Revolution added to this the new idea that not princes or an oligarchy, but the citizenry of a state, defined as the nation, should be defined as sovereign. Such a state in which the nation is sovereign would thence be termed a nation-state (as opposed to a monarchy or a religious state). The term republic increasingly became its synonym. An alternative model of the nation-state was developed in reaction to the French republican concept by the Germans and others, who instead of giving the citizenry sovereignty, kept the princes and nobility, but defined nation-statehood in ethnic-linguistic terms, establishing the rarely if ever fulfilled ideal that all people speaking one language should belong to one state only. The same claim to sovereignty was made for both forms of nation-state. (It is worth noting that in Europe today, few states conform to either definition of nation-state: many continue to have royal sovereigns, and hardly any are ethnically homogeneous.)
The particular European system supposing the sovereign equality of states was exported to the Americas, Africa, and Asia via colonialism and the "standards of civilization". The contemporary international system was finally established through decolonization during the Cold War. However, this is somewhat over-simplified. While the nation-state system is considered "modern", many states have not incorporated the system and are termed "pre-modern".
Further, a handful of states have moved beyond insistence on full sovereignty, and can be considered "post-modern". The ability of contemporary IR discourse to explain the relations of these different types of states is disputed. "Levels of analysis" is a way of looking at the international system, which includes the individual level, the domestic state as a unit, the international level of transnational and intergovernmental affairs, and the global level.
What is explicitly recognized as international relations theory was not developed until after World War I, and is dealt with in more detail below. IR theory, however, has a long tradition of drawing on the work of other social sciences. The use of capitalizations of the "I" and "R" in international relations aims to distinguish the academic discipline of international relations from the phenomena of international relations. Many cite Sun Tzu's The Art of War (6th century BC), Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War (5th century BC), Chanakya's Arthashastra (4th century BC), as the inspiration for realist theory, with Hobbes' Leviathan and Machiavelli's The Prince providing further elaboration.
Similarly, liberalism draws upon the work of Kant and Rousseau, with the work of the former often being cited as the first elaboration of democratic peace theory.[6] Though contemporary human rights is considerably different from the type of rights envisioned under natural law, Francisco de Vitoria, Hugo Grotius and John Locke offered the first accounts of universal entitlement to certain rights on the basis of common humanity. In the 20th century, in addition to contemporary theories of liberal internationalism, Marxism has been a foundation of international relations.
Study of international relations[edit]
Flags of the member states of the United Nations
International relations as a distinct field of study began in Britain. IR emerged as a formal academic discipline in 1919 with the founding of the first IR professorship: the Woodrow Wilson Chair at Aberystwyth, University of Wales (now Aberystwyth University)[7], hold by Alfred Eckhard Zimmern[8] and endowed by David Davies. Georgetown University's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service is the oldest international relations faculty in the United States, founded in 1919. In the early 1920s, the London School of Economics' department of international relations was founded at the behest of Nobel Peace Prize winner Philip Noel-Baker: this was the first institute to offer a wide range of degrees in the field. This was rapidly followed by establishment of IR at universities in the US and in Geneva, Switzerland. The creation of the posts of Montague Burton Professor of International Relations at LSE and at Oxford gave further impetus to the academic study of international relations. Furthermore, the International History department at LSE developed a focus on the history of IR in the early modern, colonial and Cold War periods.[9]
The first university entirely dedicated to the study of IR was the Graduate Institute of International Studies (now the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies), which was founded in 1927 to form diplomats associated to the League of Nations. The Committee on International Relations at the University of Chicago was the first to offer a graduate degree, in 1928. In 1965, Glendon College and the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs were the first institutions in Canada to offer an undergraduate and a graduate program in international studies and affairs, respectively. In 2012, Ramon Llull University initiated the first International Relations degree in Barcelona, fully in English.
Theory[edit]
Main article: International relations theory
Normative theory[edit]
In the academic discipline of international relations, Smith, Baylis & Owens (2008) make the case that the normative position or normative theory is to make the world a better place, and that this theoretical worldview aims to do so by being aware of implicit assumptions and explicit assumptions that constitute a non-normative position and align or position the normative towards the loci of other key socio-political theories such as political liberalism, Marxism, political constructivism, political realism, political idealism and political globalization.[10]
Epistemology and IR theory[edit]
IR theories are roughly divided into one of two epistemological camps: "positivist" and "post-positivist". Positivist theories aim to replicate the methods of the natural sciences by analysing the impact of material forces. They typically focus on features of international relations such as state interactions, size of military forces, balance of powers etc. Post-positivist epistemology rejects the idea that the social world can be studied in an objective and value-free way. It rejects the central ideas of neo-realism/liberalism, such as rational choice theory, on the grounds that the scientific method cannot be applied to the social world and that a "science" of IR is impossible.
A key difference between the two positions is that while positivist theories, such as neo-realism, offer causal explanations (such as why and how power is exercised), post-positivist theories focus instead on constitutive questions, for instance what is meant by "power"; what makes it up, how it is experienced and how it is reproduced. Often, post-positivist theories explicitly promote a normative approach to IR, by considering ethics. This is something which has often been ignored under "traditional" IR as positivist theories make a distinction between "facts" and normative judgments, or "values".
During the late 1980s and the 1990s, debate between positivists and post-positivists became the dominant debate and has been described as constituting the Third "Great Debate" (Lapid 1989).
Positivist theories[edit]
Realism[edit]
Realism focuses on state security and power above all else. Early realists such as E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau argued that states are self-interested, power-seeking rational actors, who seek to maximize their security and chances of survival.[11] Cooperation between states is a way to maximize each individual state's security (as opposed to more idealistic reasons). Similarly, any act of war must be based on self-interest, rather than on idealism. Many realists saw World War II as the vindication of their theory.
Realists argue that the need for survival requires state leaders to distance themselves from traditional morality. Realism taught American leaders to focus on interests rather than on ideology, to seek peace through strength, and to recognize that great powers can coexist even if they have antithetical values and beliefs.[12]
Thucydides, the author of Peloponnesian War is considered to be the founding father of the realist school of political philosophy.[13] Amongst others, philosophers like Machiavelli, Hobbes and Rousseau are considered to have contributed to the Realist philosophy.[14] However, while their work may support realist doctrine, it is not likely that they would have classified themselves as realists in this sense. Political realism believes that politics, like society, is governed by objective laws with roots in human nature. To improve society, it is first necessary to understand the laws by which society lives. The operation of these laws being impervious to our preferences, persons will challenge them only at the risk of failure. Realism, believing as it does in the objectivity of the laws of politics, must also believe in the possibility of developing a rational theory that reflects, however imperfectly and one-sidedly, these objective laws. It believes also, then, in the possibility of distinguishing in politics between truth and opinion—between what is true objectively and rationally, supported by evidence and illuminated by reason, and what is only a subjective judgment, divorced from the facts as they are and informed by prejudice and wishful thinking.
Placing realism under positivism is far from unproblematic however. E. H. Carr's "What is History" was a deliberate critique of positivism, and Hans Morgenthau's aim in "Scientific Man vs Power Politics" was to demolish any conception that international politics/power politics can be studied scientifically.
Major theorists include E. H. Carr, Robert Gilpin, Joanne Gowa, Charles Kindleberger, Stephen Krasner, Hans Morgenthau, and Kenneth Waltz.
Liberalism[edit]
Main article: Liberalism (international relations)
See also: Liberal internationalism
According to liberalism, individuals are basically good and capable of meaningful cooperation to promote positive change. Liberalism views states, nongovernmental organizations, and intergovernmental organizations as key actors in the international system. States have many interests and are not necessarily unitary and autonomous, although they are sovereign. Liberal theory stresses interdependence among states, multinational corporations, and international institutions. Theorists such as Hedley Bull have postulated an international society in which various actors communicate and recognize common rules, institutions, and interests. Liberals also view the international system as anarchic since there is no single overarching international authority and each individual state is left to act in its own self-interest. Liberalism is historically rooted in the liberal philosophical traditions associated with Adam Smith and Immanuel Kant that posit that human nature is basically good and that individual self-interest can be harnessed by society to promote aggregate social welfare. Individuals form groups and later, states; states are generally cooperative and tend to follow international norms.[15]
Liberal international relations theory arose after World War I in response to the inability of states to control and limit war in their international relations. Early adherents include Woodrow Wilson and Norman Angell, who argued that states mutually gained from cooperation and that war was so destructive as to be essentially futile.[16]
Liberalism was not recognized as a coherent theory as such until it was collectively and derisively termed idealism by E. H. Carr. A new version of "idealism" that focused on human rights as the basis of the legitimacy of international law was advanced by Hans Köchler.
Major theorists include Montesquieu, Immanuel Kant, Robert Keohane, Michael W. Doyle, Francis Fukuyama, and Helen Milner.[17]
Neoliberalism[edit]
Further information: Complex interdependence
Neoliberalism seeks to update liberalism by accepting the neorealist presumption that states are the key actors in international relations, but still maintains that non-state actors (NSAs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) matter. Proponents argue that states will cooperate irrespective of relative gains, and are thus concerned with absolute gains. This also means that nations are, in essence, free to make their own choices as to how they will go about conducting policy without any international organizations blocking a nation's right to sovereignty. Neoliberal institutionalism, an approach founded by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, emphasize the important role of international institutions in maintaining an open global trading regime.
Prominent neoliberal institutionalists are Christina Davis[disambiguation needed], Judith L. Goldstein, G. John Ikenberry, Robert Keohane, Lisa Martin, and Joseph Nye.
Regime theory[edit]
Regime theory is derived from the liberal tradition that argues that international institutions or regimes affect the behaviour of states (or other international actors). It assumes that cooperation is possible in the anarchic system of states, indeed, regimes are by definition, instances of international cooperation.
While realism predicts that conflict should be the norm in international relations, regime theorists say that there is cooperation despite anarchy. Often they cite cooperation in trade, human rights and collective security among other issues. These instances of cooperation are regimes. The most commonly cited definition of regimes comes from Stephen Krasner, who defines regimes as "principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area".[18]
Not all approaches to regime theory, however, are liberal or neoliberal; some realist scholars like Joseph Grieco have developed hybrid theories which take a realist based approach to this fundamentally liberal theory. (Realists do not say cooperation never happens, just that it is not the norm; it is a difference of degree).
Post-positivist/reflectivist theories[edit]
International society theory (the English school)[edit]
Main article: English school of international relations theory
International society theory, also called the English School, focuses on the shared norms and values of states and how they regulate international relations. Examples of such norms include diplomacy, order, and international law. Unlike neo-realism, it is not necessarily positivist. Theorists have focused particularly on humanitarian intervention, and are subdivided between solidarists, who tend to advocate it more, and pluralists, who place greater value in order and sovereignty. Nicholas Wheeler is a prominent solidarist, while Hedley Bull and Robert H. Jackson are perhaps the best known pluralists.
Social constructivism[edit]
Main article: Constructivism (international relations)
Social constructivism encompasses a broad range of theories that aim to address questions of ontology, such as the structure-and-agency debate, as well as questions of epistemology, such as the "material/ideational" debate that concerns the relative role of material forces versus ideas. Constructivism is not a theory of IR in the manner of neo-realism, but is instead a social theory which is used to better explain the actions taken by states and other major actors as well as the identities that guide these states and actors.
Constructivism in IR can be divided into what Ted Hopf (1998) calls "conventional" and "critical" constructivism. Common to all varieties of constructivism is an interest in the role that ideational forces play. The most famous constructivist scholar, Alexander Wendt, noted in a 1992 article in International Organization —and later in his 1999 book Social Theory of International Politics—that "anarchy is what states make of it". By this he means that the anarchical structure that neo-realists claim governs state interaction is in fact a phenomenon that is socially constructed and reproduced by states.
For example, if the system is dominated by states that see anarchy as a life or death situation (what Wendt terms a "Hobbesian" anarchy) then the system will be characterized by warfare. If on the other hand anarchy is seen as restricted (a "Lockean" anarchy) then a more peaceful system will exist. Anarchy in this view is constituted by state interaction, rather than accepted as a natural and immutable feature of international life as viewed by neo-realist IR scholars.
Prominent social constructivist IR scholars are Rawi Abdelal, Michael Barnett, Mark Blyth, Martha Finnemore, Peter A. Hall, Ted Hopf, Margaret Keck, Elizabeth Kier, Kathleen McNamara, Kathryn Sikkink and Alexander Wendt.
Feminism[edit]
Main article: Feminism (international relations)
Feminist IR considers the ways that international politics affects and is affected by both men and women and also at how the core concepts that are employed within the discipline of IR (e.g. war, security, etc.) are themselves gendered. Feminist IR has not only concerned itself with the traditional focus of IR on states, wars, diplomacy and security, but feminist IR scholars have also emphasized the importance of looking at how gender shapes the current global political economy. In this sense, there is no clear cut division between feminists working in IR and those working in the area of International Political Economy (IPE). From its inception, feminist IR has also theorized extensively about men and, in particular, masculinities. Many IR feminists argue that the discipline is inherently masculine in nature. For example, in her article "Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals" Signs (1988), Carol Cohn claimed that a highly masculinized culture within the defence establishment contributed to the divorcing of war from human emotion.
Feminist IR emerged largely from the late 1980s onwards. The end of the Cold War and the re-evaluation of traditional IR theory during the 1990s opened up a space for gendering International Relations. Because feminist IR is linked broadly to the critical project in IR, by and large most feminist scholarship has sought to problematize the politics of knowledge construction within the discipline - often by adopting methodologies of deconstructivism associated with postmodernism/poststructuralism. However, the growing influence of feminist and women-centric approaches within the international policy communities (for example at the World Bank and the United Nations) is more reflective of the liberal feminist emphasis on equality of opportunity for women.
Prominent scholars include Carol Cohn, Cynthia Enloe, Charlotte Hooper, Sara Ruddick, J. Ann Tickner and Jacqui True.
Marxism[edit]
Marxist and Neo-Marxist theories of IR reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation; instead focusing on the economic and material aspects. It makes the assumption that the economy trumps other concerns; allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. Thus, colonialism brought in sources for raw materials and captive markets for exports, while decolonialization brought new opportunities in the form of dependence.
A prominent derivative of Marxian thought is critical international relations theory which is the application of "critical theory" to international relations. Early critical theorists were associated with the Frankfurt School which followed Marx's concern with the conditions that allow for social change and the establishment of rational institutions. Their emphasis on the "critical" component of theory was derived significantly from their attempt to overcome the limits of positivism. Modern-day proponents such as Andrew Linklater, Robert W. Cox and Ken Booth focus on the need for human emancipation from the nation-state. Hence, it is "critical" of mainstream IR theories that tend to be both positivist and state-centric.
Further linked in with Marxist theories is dependency theory and the core–periphery model, which argue that developed countries, in their pursuit of power, appropriate developing states through international banking, security and trade agreements and unions on a formal level, and do so through the interaction of political and financial advisors, missionaries, relief aid workers, and MNCs on the informal level, in order to integrate them into the capitalist system, strategically appropriating undervalued natural resources and labor hours and fostering economic and political dependence.
Marxist theories receive little attention in the United States, where no significant socialist party has flourished. It is more common in parts of Europe and is one of the more important theoretic contributions of Latin American academia to the study of global networks.
Leadership theories[edit]
Interest group perspective[edit]
Interest group theory posits that the driving force behind state behaviour is sub-state interest groups. Examples of interest groups include political lobbyists, the military, and the corporate sector. Group theory argues that although these interest groups are constitutive of the state, they are also causal forces in the exercise of state power.
Strategic perspective[edit]
Strategic perspective is a theoretical[citation needed] approach that views individuals as choosing their actions by taking into account the anticipated actions and responses of others with the intention of maximizing their own welfare.
Inherent bad faith model[edit]
Further information: Bad faith and inherent bad faith model
The "inherent bad faith model" of information processing is a theory in political psychology that was first put forth by Ole Holsti to explain the relationship between John Foster Dulles' beliefs and his model of information processing.[19] It is the most widely studied model of one's opponent.[20] A state is presumed to be implacably hostile, and contra-indicators of this are ignored. They are dismissed as propaganda ploys or signs of weakness. Examples are John Foster Dulles' position regarding the Soviet Union, or Israel's initial position on the Palestinian Liberation Organization.[21]
Post-structuralist theories[edit]
Post-structuralist theories of IR developed in the 1980s from postmodernist studies in political science. Post-structuralism explores the deconstruction of concepts traditionally not problematic in IR (such as "power" and "agency") and examines how the construction of these concepts shapes international relations. The examination of "narratives" plays an important part in poststructuralist analysis; for example, feminist poststructuralist work has examined the role that "women" play in global society and how they are constructed in war as "innocent" and "civilians". (See also feminism in international relations.)
Levels of analysis[edit]
Systemic level concepts[edit]
International relations are often viewed in terms of levels of analysis. The systemic level concepts are those broad concepts that define and shape an international milieu, characterized by anarchy.
Sovereignty[edit]
Main article: Westphalian sovereignty
Preceding the concepts of interdependence and dependence, international relations relies on the idea of sovereignty. Described in Jean Bodin's "Six Books of the Commonwealth in 1576, the three pivotal points derived from the book describe sovereignty as being a state, that the sovereign power(s) have absolute power over their territories, and that such a power is only limited by the sovereign's "own obligations towards other sovereigns and individuals".[22] Such a foundation of sovereignty permits, is indicated by a sovereign's obligation to other sovereigns, interdependence and dependence to take place. While throughout world history there have been instances of groups lacking or losing sovereignty, such as African nations prior to Decolonization or the occupation of Iraq during the Iraq War, there is still a need for sovereignty in terms of assessing international relations.
Power[edit]
Main article: Power (international relations)
The concept of Power in international relations can be described as the degree of resources, capabilities, and influence in international affairs. It is often divided up into the concepts of hard power and soft power, hard power relating primarily to coercive power, such as the use of force, and soft power commonly covering economics, diplomacy and cultural influence. However, there is no clear dividing line between the two forms of power.
National interest[edit]
Perhaps the most significant concept behind that of power and sovereignty, national interest is a state’s action in relation to other states where it seeks to gain advantage or benefits to itself. National interest, whether aspirational or operational, is divided by core/vital and peripheral/non-vital interests. Core or vital interests constitute the things which a country is willing to defend or expand with conflict such as territory, ideology (religious, political, economic), or its citizens. Peripheral or non-vital are interests which a state is willing to compromise. For example, in the German annexation of the Sudetenland in 1938 (a part of Czechoslovakia) under the Munich Agreement, Czechoslovakia was willing to relinquish territory which was considered ethnically German in order to preserve its own integrity and sovereignty.[23]
Non-state actors[edit]
In the 21st century, the status-quo of the international system is no longer monopolized by states alone. Rather, it is the presence of non-state actors, who autonomously act to implement unpredictable behaviour to the international system. Whether it is transnational corporations, liberation movements, non-governmental agencies, or international organizations, these entities have the potential to significantly influence the outcome of any international transaction. Additionally, this also includes the individual person as while the individual is what constitutes the states collective entity, the individual does have the potential to also create unpredicted behaviours. Al-Qaeda, as an example of a non-state actor, has significantly influenced the way states (and non-state actors) conduct international affairs.[24]
Power blocs[edit]
The existence of power blocs in international relations is a significant factor related to polarity. During the Cold War, the alignment of several nations to one side or another based on ideological differences or national interests has become an endemic feature of international relations. Unlike prior, shorter-term blocs, the Western and Soviet blocs sought to spread their national ideological differences to other nations. Leaders like U.S. President Harry S. Truman under the Truman Doctrine believed it was necessary to spread democracy whereas the Warsaw Pact under Soviet policy sought to spread communism. After the Cold War, and the dissolution of the ideologically homogeneous Eastern bloc still gave rise to others such as the South-South Cooperation movement.[25]
Polarity[edit]
Main article: Polarity (international relations)
Polarity in international relations refers to the arrangement of power within the international system. The concept arose from bipolarity during the Cold War, with the international system dominated by the conflict between two superpowers, and has been applied retrospectively by theorists. However, the term bipolar was notably used by Stalin who said he saw the international system as a bipolar one with two opposing powerbases and ideologies. Consequently, the international system prior to 1945 can be described as multipolar, with power being shared among Great powers.
Empires of the world in 1910
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 had led to unipolarity, with the United States as a sole superpower, although many refuse to acknowledge the fact. China's continued rapid economic growth (in 2010 it became the world's second-largest economy), combined with the respectable international position they hold within political spheres and the power that the Chinese Government exerts over their people (consisting of the largest population in the world), resulted in debate over whether China is now a superpower or a possible candidate in the future. However, China's strategic force unable of projecting power beyond its region and its nuclear arsenal of 250 warheads (compared to 7700 of the United States[26]) mean that the unipolarity will persist in the policy-relevant future.
Several theories of international relations draw upon the idea of polarity. The balance of power was a concept prevalent in Europe prior to the First World War, the thought being that by balancing power blocs it would create stability and prevent war. Theories of the balance of power gained prominence again during the Cold War, being a central mechanism of Kenneth Waltz's Neorealism. Here, the concepts of balancing (rising in power to counter another) and bandwagonning (siding with another) are developed.
Robert Gilpin's Hegemonic stability theory also draws upon the idea of polarity, specifically the state of unipolarity. Hegemony is the preponderance of power at one pole in the international system, and the theory argues this is a stable configuration because of mutual gains by both the dominant power and others in the international system. This is contrary to many neorealist arguments, particularly made by Kenneth Waltz, stating that the end of the Cold War and the state of unipolarity is an unstable configuration that will inevitably change.
The case of Gilpin proved to be correct and Waltz's article titled "The Stability of a Bipolar World" [27] was followed in 1999 by William Wohlforth's article titled "The Stability of a Unipolar World"[28]
Waltz's thesis can be expressed in power transition theory, which states that it is likely that a great power would challenge a hegemon after a certain period, resulting in a major war. It suggests that while hegemony can control the occurrence of wars, it also results in the creation of one. Its main proponent, A. F. K. Organski, argued this based on the occurrence of previous wars during British, Portuguese, and Dutch hegemony.
Interdependence[edit]
Many advocate that the current international system is characterized by growing interdependence; the mutual responsibility and dependency on others. Advocates of this point to growing globalization, particularly with international economic interaction. The role of international institutions, and widespread acceptance of a number of operating principles in the international system, reinforces ideas that relations are characterized by interdependence.
Dependency[edit]
NATO International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan
Dependency theory is a theory most commonly associated with Marxism, stating that a set of core states exploit a set of weaker periphery states for their prosperity. Various versions of the theory suggest that this is either an inevitability (standard dependency theory), or use the theory to highlight the necessity for change (Neo-Marxist).
Systemic tools of international relations[edit]
Diplomacy is the practice of communication and negotiation between representatives of states. To some extent, all other tools of international relations can be considered the failure of diplomacy. Keeping in mind, the use of other tools are part of the communication and negotiation inherent within diplomacy. Sanctions, force, and adjusting trade regulations, while not typically considered part of diplomacy, are actually valuable tools in the interest of leverage and placement in negotiations.
Sanctions are usually a first resort after the failure of diplomacy, and are one of the main tools used to enforce treaties. They can take the form of diplomatic or economic sanctions and involve the cutting of ties and imposition of barriers to communication or trade.
War, the use of force, is often thought of as the ultimate tool of international relations. A widely accepted definition is that given by Clausewitz, with war being "the continuation of politics by other means". There is a growing study into "new wars" involving actors other than states. The study of war in international relations is covered by the disciplines of "war studies" and "strategic studies".
The mobilization of international shame can also be thought of as a tool of international relations. This is attempting to alter states' actions through 'naming and shaming' at the international level. This is mostly done by the large human rights NGOs such as Amnesty International (for instance when it called Guantanamo Bay a "Gulag"),[29] or Human Rights Watch. A prominent use of was the UN Commission on Human Rights 1235 procedure, which publicly exposes state's human rights violations. The current UN Human Rights Council has yet to use this mechanism
The allotment of economic and/or diplomatic benefits such as the European Union's enlargement policy; candidate countries are only allowed to join if they meet the Copenhagen criteria.
Unit-level concepts in international relations[edit]
As a level of analysis the unit level is often referred to as the state level, as it locates its explanation at the level of the state, rather than the international system.
Regime type[edit]
It is often considered that a state's form of government can dictate the way that a state interacts with others in the international system.
Democratic peace theory is a theory that suggests that the nature of democracy means that democratic countries will not go to war with each other. The justifications for this are that democracies externalize their norms and only go to war for just causes, and that democracy encourages mutual trust and respect.
Communism justifies a world revolution, which similarly would lead to peaceful coexistence, based on a proletarian global society.
Revisionism/status quo[edit]
States can be classified by whether they accept the international status quo, or are revisionist—i.e., want change. Revisionist states seek to fundamentally change the rules and practices of international relations, feeling disadvantaged by the status quo. They see the international system as a largely western creation which serves to reinforce current realities. Japan is an example of a state that has gone from being a revisionist state to one that is satisfied with the status quo, because the status quo is now beneficial to it.
Religion[edit]
Religion can have an effect on the way a state acts within the international system. Different theoretical perspectives treat it in somewhat different fashion. One dramatic example is the Thirty Years' War (1618–48) that ravaged much of Europe. Religion is visible as an organizing principle particularly for Islamic states, whereas secularism sits at the other end of the spectrum, with the separation of state and religion being responsible for the liberal international relations theory. Events since the September 11 attacks in the United States, the role of Islam in terrorism, and the strife in the Middle East have made it a major topic. There are many different types of religions. One being Confucianism, which is China's major world view (Alexander, 1998).[30]
Individual or sub-unit level concepts[edit]
The level beneath the unit (state) level can be useful both for explaining factors in international relations that other theories fail to explain, and for moving away from a state-centric view of international relations.
Psychological factors in international relations – Evaluating psychological factors in international relations comes from the understanding that a state is not a "black box" as proposed by realism, and that there may be other influences on foreign policy decisions. Examining the role of personalities in the decision making process can have some explanatory power, as can the role of misperception between various actors. A prominent application of sub-unit level psychological factors in international relations is the concept of Groupthink, another is the propensity of policymakers to think in terms of analogies.
Bureaucratic politics – Looks at the role of the bureaucracy in decision making, and sees decisions as a result of bureaucratic in-fighting, and as having been shaped by various constraints.
Religious, ethnic, and secessionist groups – Viewing these aspects of the sub-unit level has explanatory power with regards to ethnic conflicts, religious wars, transnational diaspora (diaspora politics) and other actors which do not consider themselves to fit with the defined state boundaries. This is particularly useful in the context of the pre-modern world of weak states.
Science, technology and international relations – How science and technology impact global health, business, environment, technology, and development.
International political economy, and economic factors in international relations[31]
International political culturology – Looks at how culture and cultural variables impact in international relations[32][33][34]
Personal relations between leaders[35]
Institutions in international relations[edit]
The United Nations Secretariat Building at the United Nations headquarters in New York City
International institutions form a vital part of contemporary international relations. Much interaction at the system level is governed by them, and they outlaw some traditional institutions and practices of international relations, such as the use of war (except in self-defence).
Generalist inter-state organizations[edit]
United Nations[edit]
Main article: United Nations
The United Nations (UN) is an international organization that describes itself as a "global association of governments facilitating co-operation in international law, international security, economic development, and social equity"; It is the most prominent international institution. Many of the legal institutions follow the same organizational structure as the UN.
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation[edit]
Main article: Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is an international organization consisting of 57 member states. The organisation attempts to be the collective voice of the Muslim world (Ummah) and attempts to safeguard the interests and ensure the progress and well-being of Muslims.
Other[edit]
Other generalist inter-state organizations include:
BRICS
SAARC
African Union
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Arab League
Commonwealth of Independent States
European Union
G8
G20
League of Nations
Organization of American States
ECOWAS
Economic institutions[edit]
The World Bank headquarters in Washington, D.C.
NATO E-3A flying with USAF F-16s in a NATO exercise
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
New Development Bank
Asian Development Bank
African Development Bank
Bank of International Settlements
Inter-American Development Bank
International Monetary Fund
Islamic Development Bank
World Bank
World Trade Organization
International legal bodies[edit]
Human rights[edit]
European Court of Human Rights
Human Rights Committee
Inter-American Court of Human Rights
International Criminal Court
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
United Nations Human Rights Council
Legal[edit]
African Court of Justice
European Court of Justice
International Court of Justice
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea
Regional security arrangements[edit]
Main article: Collective security
United Nations Security Council
Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific
GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development
Maritime security regime
NATO
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
Union of South American Nations
See also[edit]
International relations portal
Diplomatic history
Global studies
List of international relations journals
List of international relations institutes and organizations
Multilateralism
Peace economics
The European Institute for International Law and International Relations
Notes and references[edit]
Jump up ^ Simon Petite, "Rénovation du Palais des Nations : vote crucial", Le Temps, Monday 23 December 2013, p. 5. (in French)
Jump up ^ François Modoux, "La Suisse engagera 300 millions pour rénover le Palais des Nations", Le Temps, Friday 28 June 2013, page 9. (in French)
Jump up ^ "International Relation", Columbia Encyclopedia (1993) pp.000–0000.
Jump up ^ Barry Buzan, Richard Little. International Systems in World History: Remaking the Study of International Relations. published 2000
Jump up ^ Stéphane Beaulac: "The Westphalian Model in defining International Law: Challenging the Myth", Australian Journal of Legal History Vol. 9 (2004), http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AJLH/2004/9.html; Krasner, Stephen D.: "Westphalia and all that" in Judith Goldstein & Robert Keohane (eds): Ideas and Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1993), pp.235-264
Jump up ^ "Stanford Encyclopedia of philosophy". Stanford press. Retrieved 5 March 2014.
Jump up ^ Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University
Jump up ^ Abadía, Adolfo A. (2015). "Del liberalismo al neo-realismo. Un debate en torno al realismo clásico" (PDF). Telos. Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Ciencias Sociales (in Spanish). 17 (3): 438 – 459. ISSN 1317-0570.
Jump up ^ Walter Carlsnaes et al eds. (2012). Handbook of International Relations. SAGE Publications. pp. 1–28. Retrieved 2016-02-24. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ ISBN 9780199297771, Fourth edition, pp.2-13
Jump up ^ Morganthau, Hans (1978). Politics Among Nations: The struggle for Power and Peace. New York. pp. 4–15. Retrieved 2016-02-24.
Jump up ^ Baylis, John (2011). The Globalization of World Politics. Oxford University Press. pp. 86–87. ISBN 978-0-19-956909-0.
Jump up ^ Norris, Cochrane, Charles (1929). Thucydides and the Science of History. Oxford University Press. p. 179.
Jump up ^ Baylis, John; Smith, Steve (2001). The globalization of world politics : an introduction to international relations (2. ed.). Oxford [u.a.]: Oxford Univ. Press. p. 149. ISBN 0198782632.
Jump up ^ Mingst, Karen A., & Arreguín-Toft, Ivan M. (2011). Essentials of International Relations (5th ed.). New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
Jump up ^ Wilson, Woodrow. "History Learning site". Retrieved 5 March 2014.
Jump up ^ Mingst, Karen A., & Snyder, Jack L. (2011). Essential Readings in World Politics (4th ed.). New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
Jump up ^ Krasner, Stephen D., ed. 1983. "Structural Causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as Intervening Variables." In International Regimes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp. 1.
Jump up ^ Stuart, Douglas; Starr, Harvey (1981). "The 'Inherent Bad Faith Model' Reconsidered: Dulles, Kennedy, and Kissinger". Political Psychology. 3 (3/4): 1–33. doi:10.2307/3791139. JSTOR 3791139.
Jump up ^ "...the most widely studied is the inherent bad faith model of one’s opponent...", The handbook of social psychology, Volumes 1-2, edited by Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, Gardner Lindzey
Jump up ^ "...the most widely studied is the inherent bad faith model of one's opponent", The handbook of social psychology, Volumes 1-2, edited by Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, Gardner Lindzey
Jump up ^ p. 13, N. Oluwafemi Mimiko. "Globalization: The Politics of Global Economic Relations and International Business." Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2012.
Jump up ^ p. 17-20, N. Oluwafemi Mimiko. "Globalization: The Politics of Global Economic Relations and International Business." Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2012.
Jump up ^ pp. 14-15, N. Oluwafemi Mimiko. "Globalization: The Politics of Global Economic Relations and International Business." Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2012.
Jump up ^ pp. 15-16, N. Oluwafemi Mimiko. "Globalization: The Politics of Global Economic Relations and International Business." Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2012.
Jump up ^ Historical nuclear weapons stockpiles and nuclear tests by country
Jump up ^ Daedalus, 93/3: (1964), 881-909
Jump up ^ International Security, 24/1: (1999), 5-41
Jump up ^ https://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/POL10/014/2005/en>
Jump up ^ Snyder, ed., Jack (2011). Religion and International Relations Theory. Columbia University Press. pp. 1–23. Retrieved 2016-02-24. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ E.g., Donald Markwell, John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace, Oxford University Press, 2006. Donald Markwell, Keynes and International Economic and Political Relations, Trinity Paper 33, Trinity College, University of Melbourne. [1]
Jump up ^ Fabrice Rivault, (1999) Culturologie Politique Internationale : Une approche systémique et matérialiste de la culture et du système social global, McGill Dissertation, Montréal, publiée par Culturology Press
Jump up ^ Xintian, Yu (2005) "Cultural Factors In International Relations", Chinese Philosophical Studies. Archived 2010-04-10 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Xintian, Yu (2009),"Combining Research on Cultural Theory and International Relations"
Jump up ^ US-Russian relations: Demanding equal treatment | Russia Beyond the Headlines
Bibliography[edit]
Carlsnaes, Walter, et al eds. (2012). Handbook of International Relations. SAGE Publications. Retrieved 2016-02-24. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Dyvik, Synne L., Jan Selby and Rorden Wilkinson, eds. What's the Point of International Relations (2017)
Reus-Smit, Christian, and Duncan Snidal, eds. The Oxford Handbook of International Relations (2010)
Theory[edit]
Norman Angell The Great Illusion (London: Heinemann, 1910)
Hedley Bull Anarchical Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977)
Robert Cooper The Post-Modern State
Enloe, Cynthia. "'Gender' Is Not Enough: The Need for a Feminist Consciousness". International Affairs 80.1 (2004): 95-97. Web. 17 Sept. 2013.
Goodin, Robert E., and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, eds. A New Handbook of Political Science (1998) ch 16-19 pp 401–78
Charlotte Hooper "Masculinities, IR and the 'Gender Variable': A Cost-Benefit Analysis for (Sympathetic) Gender Sceptics." International Studies 25.3 (1999): 475-491.
Andrew Hurrell On Global Order: Power, Values, and the Constitution of International Society (Oxford University Press, 2008). https://global.oup.com/academic/product/on-global-order-9780199233113?cc=us&lang=en&
Robert Keohane After Hegemony
Hans Köchler, Democracy and the International Rule of Law. Vienna/New York: Springer, 1995
Andrew Linklater Men and citizens in the theory of international relations
Donald Markwell John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).
Reinhold Niebuhr Moral Man and Immoral Society 1932
Joseph Nye Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, Public Affairs Ltd 2004
Paul Raskin The Great Transition Today: A Report from the Future
J. Ann Tickner Gender in International Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992).
Kenneth Waltz Man, the State, and War
Kenneth Waltz Theory of International Politics (1979), examines the foundation of By Bar
Michael Walzer Just and Unjust Wars 1977
Alexander Wendt Social Theory of International Politics 1999
J. Martin Rochester Fundamental Principles of International Relations (Westview Press, 2010)
An Introduction to International Relations Theory
James C. Hsiang Anarchy & Order: The Interplay of Politics and Law in International Relations 1555875718, 9781555875718 Lynne Rienner Pub 1997
Textbooks[edit]
Baylis, John, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens. The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (2011)
Mingst, Karen A., and Ivan M. Arreguín-Toft. Essentials of International Relations (5th ed. 2010)
Nau, Henry R. Perspectives on International Relations: Power, Institutions, Ideas (2008)
Roskin, Michael G., and Nicholas O. Berry. IR: The New World of International Relations (8th ed. 2009)
Alexander, F. (1998). Encyclopedia of World History. New York: Oxford University Press.
History of international relations[edit]
Main article: International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919) § Further reading
Beaulac, Stéphane. "The Westphalian Model in defining International Law: Challenging the Myth", Australian Journal of Legal History Vol. 9 (2004).
Black, Jeremy. A History of Diplomacy (2010)
Calvocoressi, Peter. World Politics since 1945 (9th Edition, 2008) 956pp
E. H. Carr Twenty Years Crisis (1940), 1919–39
Kennedy, Paul. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Economic Change and Military Conflict From 1500-2000 (1987), stress on economic and military factors
Kissinger, Henry. Diplomacy (1995), not a memoir but an interpretive history of international diplomacy since the late 18th century
Krasner, Stephen D.: "Westphalia and All That" in Judith Goldstein & Robert Keohane (eds): Ideas and Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1993), pp. 235–264
New Cambridge Modern History (13 vol 1957-79), thorough coverage from 1500 to 1900
Ringmar, Erik. History of International Relations Open Textbook Project, Cambridge: Open Book, forthcoming.
Schroeder, Paul W. The Transformation of European Politics 1763-1848 (Oxford History of Modern Europe) (1994) 920pp; history and analysis of major diplomacy
Taylor, A.J.P. The Struggle for Mastery in Europe 1848–1918 (1954) (Oxford History of Modern Europe) 638pp; history and analysis of major diplomacy
External links[edit]
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